997 resultados para esquerda brasileira


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This work aims to understand the phenomenon of corruption in the Brazilian public sphere and its implications for society. It has brought concepts of corruption, and has referred to its highest incidence in the public sphere in the three levels of government (despite its infiltration also in the privative sector) and has called attention to two subjects which intertwine public administration (as a means of ordering social life) and corruption (as a form of denial to the collective welfare). Through literature search whose analysis shows that the phenomenon contains the entire country history, from discovery to present day it was found to be common several dictatorial and democratic political regimes. Finally, it has emphasized the importance and necessity of citizen participation in process, as well as the organization of civil society and media, in addition to highlighting the relevance of autonomy and independence of Powers set for its effective confrontation and fighting

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Tangara da Serra is located on southwestern Mato Grosso and is found to be on the route of pollutants dispersion originated in the Legal Amazon s deforestation area. This region has also a wide area of sugarcane culture, setting this site quite exposed to atmospheric pollutants. The objective of this work was to evaluate the genotoxicity of three different concentrations of organic particulate matter which was collected from August through December / 2008 in Tangara da Serra, using micronucleus test in Tradescantia pallida (Trad-MCN). The levels of particulate matter less than 10μm (MP10) and black carbon (BC) collected on the Teflon and polycarbonate filters were determined as well. Also, the alkanes and polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) were identified and quantified on the samples from the burning period by gas chromatography detector with flame ionization detection (GC-FID). The results from the analyzing of alkanes indicate an antropic influence. Among the PAHs, the retene was the one found on the higher quantity and it is an indicator of biomass burning. The compounds indene(1,2,3-cd)pyrene and benzo(k)fluoranthene were identified on the samples and are considered to be potentially mutagenic and carcinogenic. By using Trad-MCN, it was observed a significant increase on the micronucleus frequency during the burning period, and this fact can be related to the mutagenic PAHs which were found on such extracts. When the period of less burnings is analyzed and compared to the negative control group, it was noted that there was no significant difference on the micronuclei rate. On the other hand, when the higher burning period is analyzed, statistically significant differences were evident. This study showed that the Trad-MCN was sensible and efficient on evaluating the genotoxicity potencial of organic matter from biomass burning, and also, emphasizes the importance of performing a chemical composition analysis in order to achieve a complete diagnosis on environmental risk control

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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The present study had as objective translates, to do equivalence and validation of the Utian Quality of Life (UQOL) for the Brazilian population through methods internationally accepted, in which the original questionnaire was translated for the Portuguese by three teachers and the consensual version was translated back for English by two American teachers (back translation). A multidisciplinary committee evaluated all versions and the final version in Portuguese was applied to climacteric women for the process of adaptation. Validation of the instrument was performed by measuring the reliability and validity properties. Construct validity was examined through the comparison between UQOL and the general measuring scale of quality of life Short Form-36 (SF-36). The final version of translation process was easily recognized by the target population, that didn't tell understanding problems. The results obtained for the reliability intra and interobserver showed significant agreement in all of the subjects. The construct validity was obtained through correlations statistically significant among the domains occupational, health and emotional of UQOL with the SF-36 domains. For the exploratory factorial analysis, it was verified that three factors explain 60% of the total variance of the data, the present study allowed concluding that UQOL was appropriately translated and adapted for applicability in Brazil, presenting high reliability and validity. In that way, the executed project provided the involvement of different areas as gynecology, psychology and physiotherapy (interdisciplinary). Thus, this instrument can be included and used in Brazilian studies to assessment the quality of life during the climacteric years

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

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We had as the problem of analysis in this research: what are the assumptions, principles and general content that based the Sistema Nacional de Avaliação da Educação Superior (SINAES). We started from the hypothesis that the general content of SINAES is essentially based on the assumptions and principles of a control/regulatory perspective of evaluation and a summative epistemology, objectivist and quantitativist, constituted by members who prioritize testing and classification of courses and institutions based on market values. The overall goal was to make a political evaluation of SINAES and the specific objectives were: a) apply the concepts of politics evaluation and meta-evaluation, b) identify the role of international organizations in education reform in the 1990s and its impact on superior education in Brazil c) redeem the concept of evaluation, especially in the field of studies in education; and d) investigate the evaluation policies of Brazilian superior education leading to SINAES. As for the technical procedures for collecting and analyzing data, the research was made with bibliography and documents, considering that it was developed by bibliographic sources and official publications. It was developed by crossing sources: texts or documents remitted to others; it was also concentrated: on the role of international organizations in educational and State reforms (in the 1990s); on the policies of evaluation of the Brazilian superior education (1980s and 1990s); on the proposal of the Comissão Especial de Avaliação (CEA); on the Law No. 10.861/2004; on the documents of CONAES; on the Decree No. 5.773/2006, and the MEC Regulatory Ordinances No. 4/2008 and No. 12/2008. It did not stop in the so called purely technical aspects, but in the ideological field itself. The research found that international organizations, notably the World Bank, played a political, intellectual and financial role determinant to the field of education, a fact that reflects in the legal framework. It was also found that the politics of evaluation of the superior education is historically marked by conflict, represented by two distinct perspectives of different natures and emphases. On one hand, the focus is on control / regulation, favoring efficiency, productivity and competitiveness benchmarking and prioritizing the punctual performance and measurement. On the other, it seeks to transform academic perspective in primarily formative / emancipatory, in order to support more institutional improvement. It was concluded that the CEA presented a conception evaluation predominantly formative and emancipatory, which emphasized the idea of system, centered around the institution and repudiated the rankings practices. In the post-formulation period, however, some of its principles were fragmenting and, gradually, the institution was giving way to the courses and the Exame Nacional de Desempenho de Estudantes (ENADE) grew in prominence. With the creation of the Conceito Preliminar de Cursos superiores (CPC) and of the Índice Geral de Cursos da Instituição de Educação Superior (IGC), it was redemeed the practice of evaluation as measurement and control, under the principles of efficiency and productivity. So, SINAES that seemed like a progressive evaluation method has assumed a setting that close resembles the Exame Nacional de Cursos (ENC-Provão). Nevertheless, the survival of institutional formative evaluation, in the superior education evaluation policies, still an issue in dispute

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The birth models of care are discussed, in the light of classical and contemporary social science theoretical background, emphasizing the humanistic model. The double spiral of the sociology of absences and the sociology of emergences is detailed, being based, on one hand, on the translation of experiences of knowledge, and, on the other, on the translation of experiences of information and communication, by revealing the movement articulated by Brazilian women on blogs that defend and bring into light initiatives aiming to recover natural and humanized birth. A cartography of the thematic ideas in birth literature is produced, resulting in the elaboration of a synthetic map on obstetric models of care in contemporaneity, pointing out the consequences of the obstetric model that has become hegemonic in contemporary societies, and comparing that model to others that work more efficaciously to mothers and babies. A symbolic cartography of the activism for humanizing birth on the Brazilian blogosphere is configured by the elaboration of an analytical map synthetizing the main mottos defended by the movement: Normal humanized birth; Against obstetrical violence; and Planned home birth. The superposition of the obstetric models of care s map and the rebirth of birth s analytical map indicates it is necessary to reinforce three main measures in order to make a paradigmatic turn in contemporary birth models of care possible: pave the way for the humanistic care of assistance in normal birth, by defending and highlighting practices and professionals that act in compliance with evidence based medicine, respecting the physiology of birth; denaturalize obstetric violence, by showing how routine procedures and interventions can be means of aggression, jeopardizing the autonomy, the protagonism and the respect towards women; and motivate initiatives of planned home birth, the best place for the occurrence of holistic experiences of birth. It is concluded that Internet tools have allowed a pioneer mobilization in respecting women s reproductive rights in Brazil and that the potential of the crowd s biopower that resides on the blogosphere can turn blogs into a hegemonic alternative way to reach more democratic forms of social organization. In that condition of being virtually hegemonic in contesting the established power, these blogs can be understood, therefore, as potentially great contra-hegemonic channels for the rebirth of birth and for the reinvention of social emancipation, as their author s articulate and organize themselves to strive against the waste of experience, trying to create reciprocal intelligibility amongst different experiences of world

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The way of organization of the constitutional jurisdiction implies the possibility to extend the democratization of the same one in function of the popular participation in the active legitimacy to constitutional process (procedimentalist model) e, at the same time, to assure technical viable decisions fast and to the complex problems of the constitucional law (substancialist model). The comparison with the constitutional jurisdiction of U.S.A. becomes interesting from the knowledge of the wide power to decide experience of Supreme the Court that for a methodology of construction of rights and not simply of interpretation of the Constitution, brought up to date and reconstructed throughout its historical evolution the direction of the norms of basic rights and the North American principles constitutional. Construction while constitutional hermeneutic method of substancialist matrix works with techniques as the measurement of principles, the protection of interests of minorities and the entailing of the basic rights with values politicians, what it can be brought to evidence of the Brazilian constitutional jurisdiction in order to improve the construction of basic rights that comes being carried through for the judicial ativism in control of the diffuse and abstract constitutionality. To define the limits of construction is to search, on the other hand, a dialogue with the procedimentalists thesis, aiming at the widening of the participation of the citizen in the construction of the basic rights for the constitutional process and to argue forms of the society to evaluate the pronounced decisions activist in the controls diffuse and abstract of constitutionality

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The economic regional integration is a phenomenon observed in numerous occasions inside the global economic reality. Watchful to that phenomenon, the 1988 s Brazilian constitutional order establish in its 4th article, single paragraph, the commitment to seek for the Latin- American integration, as a Fundamental Principle to the Brazilian Federative Republic. Regarding the mentioned constitutional disposition s realization, the Brazilian State celebrated, specially, the 1980 s Montevideo Treaty, creating the Latin-American Integration Association, and the 1991 s Asuncion Treaty, performing the duty to establish a common market, in sub regional level, with Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay, called Mercado Comum do Sul. However, due to an addiction to a wrong comprehension of State s Sovereignty Principle, the Constitution imposes to the international rules an incorporation process, without providing any privilege to those ones regarding the integration constitutional disposition s realization, whether original or derived. The Brazilian s Supreme Court, as matter of fact, affirmed that it is not possible, facing the actual constitutional order, to grant any character of preference. Also in the controversies solution mechanism, responsible for the law s execution in case of its noncompliance, where found malfunctions, most notably the system s open character and its excessive procedural flexibility, in addiction to restricting the access of individuals. It follows from these findings, then, the lack of legal certainty provided by the Mercosul s legal system, considering its effects both international and within the Brazilian state. Among the possible solutions to reduce or eliminate the problem are using the practice of the so-called executive agreements in the Mercosul s original rules incorporation to the Brazilian state, the creation of a Mercosul s court of law and/or a constitutional reform

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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O Brasil, apesar de ter uma participação ativa nos fóruns internacionais de debates sobre a proteção dos direitos humanos, ainda não atua de forma eficiente no adimplemento das obrigações livremente pactuadas, fato este que o levou a ser acionado e condenado pela Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos, em virtude da prática de atos violatórios aos ditos direitos, praticados no âmbito dos três Poderes, bem como por todos os Entes Federativos. Diante dessa realidade que se apresenta, o nosso objeto de estudo será investigar a efetivação dos direitos humanos previstos em tratados internacionais pela Jurisdição brasileira. Na esteira desse raciocínio, nossa problemática consiste em demonstrar que os tratados internacionais de direitos humanos, apesar de serem claramente fontes do direito estatal, não vêm sendo devidamente aplicados pelos órgãos que exercem a função jurisdicional em nosso país. Fixada à problemática, nosso objetivo no presente estudo consiste em: 1) descrever a competência constitucional do Poder Judiciário para proteção dos direitos humanos e aplicação dos tratados internacionais; 2) definir o controle jurisdicional de convencionalidade como instrumento de proteção dos direitos humanos a ser utilizados pelos magistrados; e, 3) analisar quase um século de decisões do Supremo Tribunal Federal no que toca a aplicação dos tratados internacionais de direitos humanos. Espera-se efetivamente demonstrar que compete a todos os órgãos estatais o dever de aplicar diretamente os instrumentos internacionais de proteção aos direitos humanos devidamente internalizados. Essa obrigação inegavelmente também recai sobre os que exercem a função jurisdicional. Desta maneira, todos os juízes incumbidos do exercício da jurisdição convertem-se no âmbito estatal em verdadeiros concretizadores dos direitos humanos, sejam eles advindos do sistema global ou do regional de proteção. Dessa forma, devem servir-se do controle de convencionalidade para afastar as manifestações estatais que estejam em dissintonia com o teor dos tratados internacionais de direitos humanos, bem como da interpreção a eles conferida pelas Cortes e Tribunais internacionais

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A democracia tem representado ao longo da História o mais perfeito mecanismo político de convivência social, encontrando na soberania popular seu fundamento e legitimidade. De berço grego, instituiu-se sob princípios que radicavam o poder político no povo, exercido diretamente na ágora ateniense. O iluminismo dos séculos XVII e XVIII reacendeu o ideal democrático, encontrando no positivismo sua base teórica. O poder passou a ser exercido por via de representantes eleitos periodicamente. O locus da atividade política era o parlamento, ambiente fechado e refratário à participação popular, cingida, à época, ao voto do cidadão nos períodos eleitorais. O distanciamento entre governantes e governados gerou déficit de legitimidade no modelo liberal clássico, levando o constitucionalismo do século XX a abandonar o rigor formal positivista, para adotar uma nova hermenêutica, de base axiológica e centrada na participação direta do povo nas instâncias do poder. A Constituição Federal de 1988 compendiou a democracia participativa em seu texto, declarando no parágrafo único, de seu artigo 1º, que todo o poder emana do povo. Consagrou como base da soberania popular o sufrágio universal, o voto direto, secreto e de igual valor, além do plebiscito, do referendo e da iniciativa popular de leis. Garantiu ainda a ação popular como ferramenta de cidadania. A participação popular foi restringida com o advento da Lei nº 9.907/98, que impôs bloqueios processuais para seu exercício, gerando déficit de legitimidade no sistema representativo brasileiro. O propósito desse trabalho é demonstrar a necessidade de se estabelecer um novo espaço público na ordem constitucional do Brasil, de textura aberta e dialógica e de perspectiva emancipatória, que customize a participação do povo nas instâncias do poder, a partir da desburocratização dos instrumentos de soberania popular já existentes e da adoção de outros institutos democráticos semidireto, notadamente a iniciativa popular de emenda à Constituição, a revogação de mandato eletivo e o veto popular

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Os Direitos Humanos, compreendidos como o conjunto de direitos indispensáveis à efetivação da dignidade humana, encontram-se, atualmente, no centro das discussões e relações jurídicas internacionais e nacionais. Seu amplo reconhecimento em nível mundial e a universalização de seus preceitos centrais alçaram o Direito Internacional a um nível de evolução e de relacionamento com o Direito Constitucional que se mostram impassíveis de serem ignorados pelas jurisdições nacionais. Encontrando-se tais direitos na base do constitucionalismo moderno, o que os mantém em estreito relacionamento com o pluralismo e a democracia, faz-se imperioso recordar-se que as noções jurídicas que os animam serviram de base histórica e genética ao reconhecimento e à positivação, em nível constitucional, dos assim chamados direitos fundamentais. Em sintonia com a especial deferência que se tem ofertado aos direitos humanos na sociedade contemporânea global, nossa Constituição positivou entre os princípios regentes de suas relações internacionais ordem expressa de prevalente respeito aos tratados internacionais estabelecedores desses direitos, além de ter possibilitado a recepção desses pactos em nosso ordenamento jurídico, inclusive a título de preceitos constitucionais, conforme Emenda Constitucional n. 45/2004. Esse tratamento especial, além do processo democrático que conduziu o Brasil a uma progressiva aceitação dos tratados, pactos e convenções humanitários, torna possível a conclusão de que os Direitos Humanos apresentam elementos de diferencial carga legitimadora, podendo contribuir, significativamente para, a legitimação democrática de nossa Jurisdição Constitucional. Também é possível perceber-se que, ocorrente em esferas de poder e de legitimação diversos, em particular a nível internacional, a importância conferida aos Direitos Humanos não resta esvaziada pela ampla proteção constitucional conferida aos direitos fundamentais. Particularmente questionada em sua perspectiva democrática, mormente ante o cumprimento da nominada regra contramajoritária e em face da crescente ampliação de seu poder político, nossa Jurisdição Constitucional não pode mais permanecer alheia aos condicionantes determinados pelas amplas imbricações que se desenvolveram no estreitamento de relações entre o Direito Constitucional e o Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos. Também a crise dogmática ditada pelo distanciamento havido entre o direito posto e a realidade nacional tem implicado em inegável desgaste público da atividade jurisdicional, principalmente da jurisdição voltada à proteção constitucional. O papel da Jurisdição Constitucional atual há, portanto, de ser cumprido em sintonia com as normas internacionais de Direitos Humanos, principalmente em respeito às normas constitucionais pátrias que ordenam a prevalência desses direitos nas relações internacionais. Nesse sentido, pode e necessita nossa Jurisdição Constitucional valer-se do particular potencial legitimador das normas definidoras de Direitos Humanos, reconhecendo e efetivando tais normas e adequando-se às tendências modernas que a elas conferem especial proteção, num processo dialético de inolvidável natureza democrática