931 resultados para Yeomen of America.


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The present study comparatively examined the socio-political and economic transformation of the indigenous Sámi in Sweden and the Indian American in the United States of America occurring first as a consequence of colonization and later as a product of interaction with the modern territorial and industrial state, from approximately 1500 to 1900. ^ The first colonial encounters of the Europeans with these autochthonous populations ultimately created an imagery of the exotic Other and of the noble savage. Despite these disparaging representations, the cross-cultural settings in which these interactions took place also produced the hybrid communities and syncretic life that allowed levels of cultural accommodation, autonomous space, and indigenous agency to emerge. By the nineteenth century, however, the modern territorial and industrial state rearranges the dynamics and reaches of power across a redefined territorial sovereign space, consequently, remapping belongingness and identity. In this context, the status of indigenous peoples, as in the case of Sámi and of Indian Americans, began to change at par with industrialization and with modernity. At this point in time, indigenous populations became a hindrance to be dealt with the legal re-codification of Indigenousness into a vacuumed limbo of disenfranchisement. It is, thus, the modern territorial and industrial state that re-creates the exotic into an indigenous Other. ^ The present research showed how the initial interaction between indigenous and Europeans changed with the emergence of the modern state, demonstrating that the nineteenth century, with its fundamental impulses of industrialism and modernity, not only excluded and marginalized indigenous populations because they were considered unfit to join modern society, it also re-conceptualized indigenous identity into a constructed authenticity.^

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Beef production can be environmentally detrimental due in large part to associated enteric methane (CH4) production, which contributes to climate change. However, beef production in well-managed grazing systems can aid in soil carbon sequestration (SCS), which is often ignored when assessing beef production impacts on climate change. To estimate the carbon footprint and climate change mitigation potential of upper Midwest grass-finished beef production systems, we conducted a partial life cycle assessment (LCA) comparing two grazing management strategies: 1) a non-irrigated, lightly-stocked (1.0 AU/ha), high-density (100,000 kg LW/ha) system (MOB) and 2) an irrigated, heavily-stocked (2.5 AU/ha), low-density (30,000 kg LW/ha) system (IRG). In each system, April-born steers were weaned in November, winter-backgrounded for 6 months and grazed until their endpoint the following November, with average slaughter age of 19 months and a 295 kg hot carcass weight. As the basis for the LCA, we used two years of data from Lake City Research Center, Lake City, MI. We included greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions associated with enteric CH4, soil N2O and CH4 fluxes, alfalfa and mineral supplementation, and farm energy use. We also generated results from the LCA using the enteric emissions equations of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). We evaluated a range of potential rates of soil carbon (C) loss or gain of up to 3 Mg C ha-1 yr-1. Enteric CH4 had the largest impact on total emissions, but this varied by grazing system. Enteric CH4 composed 62 and 66% of emissions for IRG and MOB, respectively, on a land basis. Both MOB and IRG were net GHG sources when SCS was not considered. Our partial LCA indicated that when SCS potential was included, each grazing strategy could be an overall sink. Sensitivity analyses indicated that soil in the MOB and IRG systems would need to sequester 1 and 2 Mg C ha-1 yr-1 for a net zero GHG footprint, respectively. IPCC model estimates for enteric CH4 were similar to field estimates for the MOB system, but were higher for the IRG system, suggesting that 0.62 Mg C ha-1 yr-1 greater SCS would be needed to offset the animal emissions in this case.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Foreword by Alicia Bárcena

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Document prepared on the occasion of the visit of President Barack Obama to Brazil, Chile and El Salvador in March 2011

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Early on the morning of December 13, 1981, General Wojciech Jaruzelski, the leader of the communist Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR), declared martial law, ending the so-called "Polish Crisis," which began with the creation of the Independent Free Trade Union "Solidamosc" in August 1980. Over the next eight years, the Communist government and the opposition struggled over power, culminating in 1989 with the creation of a Solidamosc-led government which ended fifty years of Communist rule in Poland and led the way to further democratic revolutions throughout Eastern Europe. The purpose of this dissertation is to utilize newly available and underutilized archival sources as well as oral history interviews, from both international and American perspectives, to fully chronicle American policy toward Poland from the declaration of martial law until the creation of the Solidarnosc government. Rather than explaining Polish-American relations in bilateral terms, the dissertation illuminates the complex web of influences that determined American policy in Washington and affected its implementation within Poland. This includes descriptions of internal tensions within the Reagan administration, differences between American decisions in Washington and implementation in Warsaw, lobbying from Polish-American groups, clashes between Capitol Hill and the White House, coordination with American labor organizations to support Solidarnosc, disagreements with West European allies in NATO and international financial organizations, cooperation with the Vatican and the Polish Catholic Church, synchronization with American humanitarian organizations working in Poland, limitations caused by the realities of Soviet power in Eastern Europe, and complications caused by domestic Polish concerns. By taking a broad view of American policy and highlighting internal Polish decisions, with both the Communist government and the democratic opposition, the dissertation provides concrete examples of America's role in Poland's transformation, arguing, however, that this role was very limited. These conclusions are relevant to arguments about the end of the Cold War, the nature of American power, as well as current discussions about possibilities to promote democracy within hostile regimes.

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Mode of access: Internet.