859 resultados para Working-class neighborhoods
Resumo:
The Brejuí Mine, situated in the municipality of Currais Novos (RN), was responsible for the local economy growth between the years of 1943 and 1990, causing the interest of miner's working class to its urban center. After the end of scheelita extraction, the mine became a "theme park", in 2004. The company left its mark on the city by building several monuments in reference to the mining activity and the company's founder, Tomaz Salustino. However, there are no written records that describe such activities on its early years, nor their pioneers in the mining subject. Therefore, it is important to investigate the miner’s memories and ask if, along the more than five decades that lasted the heyday of mining, an identity linked to the profession was built; the extent to which workers make reference to this history as membersand what are the symbols that are being triggered in the development of a working class identity. Further, I investigate what memory was mad concerning the pioneers, mostly farmers attracted by miner work. To do so, I make use of audiovisual archival resources and oral records of the interlocutors that were filmed in the preparations of the documentary “Lembranças de velhos garimpeiros". We have noticed that, in the script of the official history of the Brejuí Mine, the "boss" figure overlaps the workers and that the forms patronage, originated from the rural world, followed punctuating the social relations in the mine. Today, with the resumption of the mining activity, it is possible that the strengthening of the working class and the Seridó miner identity desire reborn.
Resumo:
This dissertation is the result of a research process that sought , from the speech of women in situations of violence , examine the difficulties these women to access the "network " of assistance to women victims of violence in the city of Natal/RN . Therefore , we made a critical analysis from the perspective of totality on the processual ontological " being a woman " and " be a man " , articulating the determinations of the subjective and objective dimensions in the lives of women at this juncture . Thus , also reflecting on the system of oppression of women through Capitalism / Patriarchate , articulated with other determinations of reality , as race / ethnicity , sexual orientation , generation and territoriality . Because of the oppression of women in all aspects of social life , the feminist movement led to the public domain claims against the oppressions of women and fight for Public Social Policies that aim to the particularities of women , among them, the social policies of coping violence against women . The speeches of the women interviewed show the contradictory aspect of work in women's lives . On the one hand , can become a means to financial independence ( with the possibility of exit from violent means). On the other , it can become "cause " of justification for the exercise of violence against women by their partners or former partners . Also show that despite legal advances , there is no effective implementation of policies aimed at women . This occurs as a result of capitalism / patriarchy and the context of neoliberal management of big capital . Thus , the feminist movement , as well as the social movement of the working class , must seek the empowerment of women through the struggle to end all forms of oppression , exploitation and domination among humans.
Resumo:
The changes ocurred in the world of capitalist labor, especially from the last decades of the 20th century, accentuated the process of manipulation and domination of the working class, materialized mainly through naturalization and / or trivialization of violence, conducted in the work environment. From this process, emerge the elements of bullying, that is, the embarrassing and humiliating practices which extend through time, degrading human race, and becoming fruitful object for study, debate and the intervention of the professionals of the Social Service area. Thus, we assume the perspective of analyzing the concepts and the work of social workers, whom work at people management area before the bullying in the workplace. We propose the following objectives: apprehend the settings of bullying, in the contemporary context of competitiveness and flexibility of work, as well as its implications for workers' health; characterize the background of this expression of violence at work in the municipality of Natal- RN; and analyze the powers and duties of the social worker in the process of prevention, identification and addressing of bullying in the context of work. This study consisted of a qualitative approach, based on the dialectical-critical method as soon as we adopt methodological procedures such as: theoretical knowledge, documental and field research, and performed using semi-structured interviews. The subjects of this research were nine (09) the Social Service professionals working in personnel management area, in five (5) institutions with legal and branches of different activities, located in Natal-RN. Even interviewed one (01) representative of the Public Ministry of Rio Grande do Norte Office (MPT-RN). The findings of this analysis indicate that bullying is a contemporary expression of "social question", which is presented as a demand for the Social-assistants – covered up and / or camuflage – under the guise of problems related to workers' health or mere conflicts of interpersonal relationships, that is, without any causal connection with the organization of work. The fear of losing job, not to be inserted in the labor market, and / or suffering reprisals, deepens the subject levels of the victims of bullying. Hence the importance of Social Workers are capable to understand the social reality, by preventing and combating the elements of bullying.
Resumo:
In line with the process of financialization and globalization of capital, which has intensified in all latitudes of the globe, the world of work is permeated by his determinations arising and also has been (re) setting from numerous changes expressed by example, in the unbridled expansion of temporary forms of work activities, and flexible outsourced by the growth of informality, forming a new morphology of work. However, regardless of how these forms are expressed in concrete materiality, there is something that unifies: all of them are marked by exponentiation of insecurity and hence the numerous negative effects on the lives of individuals who need to sell their labor power to survive. Given this premise, the present work is devoted to study, within the framework of the Brazilian particularities of transition between Fordism and Toyotism, what we call composite settings of the conditions and labor relations processed within the North river- textile industry Grande. To this end, guided by historical and dialectical materialism, we made use of social research in its qualitative aspect, using semi-structured interviews, in addition to literature review, information retrieval and use of field notes. From our raids, we note that between the time span stretching from the 1990s to the current year, the Natal textile industry has been undergoing a process of successive and intense changes in their modus operandi, geared specifically to the organization and labor management causing, concomitantly, several repercussions for the entire working class.
Resumo:
In line with the process of financialization and globalization of capital, which has intensified in all latitudes of the globe, the world of work is permeated by his determinations arising and also has been (re) setting from numerous changes expressed by example, in the unbridled expansion of temporary forms of work activities, and flexible outsourced by the growth of informality, forming a new morphology of work. However, regardless of how these forms are expressed in concrete materiality, there is something that unifies: all of them are marked by exponentiation of insecurity and hence the numerous negative effects on the lives of individuals who need to sell their labor power to survive. Given this premise, the present work is devoted to study, within the framework of the Brazilian particularities of transition between Fordism and Toyotism, what we call composite settings of the conditions and labor relations processed within the North river- textile industry Grande. To this end, guided by historical and dialectical materialism, we made use of social research in its qualitative aspect, using semi-structured interviews, in addition to literature review, information retrieval and use of field notes. From our raids, we note that between the time span stretching from the 1990s to the current year, the Natal textile industry has been undergoing a process of successive and intense changes in their modus operandi, geared specifically to the organization and labor management causing, concomitantly, several repercussions for the entire working class.
Resumo:
This thesis investigates the voting behavior of the fractions of the new working class in Rio Grande do Norte, more specifically in the cities of Natal, Mossoró and Caicó, from the presidential election of 2014. This research examined the ideology, the evaluation of government and guidance the vote of a portion of the working classes of RN voters. In Brazil, from 2003, socio-economic change has occurred perceptibly, especially in a part of the working classes who ascended socially and switched to the "C economic class." Thus, there was this period, a significant expansion of this social stratum. The expansion of the "class C" in the past decade in Brazil raised the academic debate and in the media about the emergence of a "new middle class". Neri (2008) termed the "class C" of the "new middle class" and that will be the central part of their studies. But the debate on the "new middle class" can not be simplistic to the point of considering that social mobility, the main variable income, entered this segment of the population in the middle class, because it has different specificities of the popular classes. To understand this phenomenon, the income variable was outdated, adding the importance of ownership of the means of production, control of labor power and the symbolic values in the division of social classes resulting in three fractions of the new working class: the management positions, non-heads and small fighters. In this study, using as a complement to the sociological approach (ideologies and social classes) and the performance evaluation was identified that the new working class (heads) mainly reproduced the ideological and political positioning of the middle class, resulting in the rejection of PT governments (2003-2014) and it’s social, compensatory and redistributive policies. From what has been seen, the new working class (chiefs) approaches the ideological and political behavior of the middle class that will reflect in their electoral choices and class interests. The new working class (not heads and small fighters who voted in the situation) because of its classist and ideological interests approached the Workers' Party positively evaluating the Lula-Dilma governments (2003-2014) due to the implementation of compensatory policies, and redistributive programs government turned to the popular classes. In a counterpoint, the voters of the new working class (not heads and small fighters) who voted null, reproduced the discourse of mainstream media and the middle class about the rejection of compensatory policies, redistribution and government programs of Lula-Dilma governments, and consequently they disapproved of the government Dilma and her candidacy.
Resumo:
The aim of this study is to undertake a theoretical analysis of the literary and sociological Cave, Jose Saramago, having as main theme the precariousness of work and control, followed by some key developments. Anchored in the sociology of work and endorsed by the sociology of literature methodologically by Antonio Candido, and guided by the narrative Saramago in the cave, seeking to understand the work activity as central and essential to the production and reproduction of material life. It discusses the precariousness of work, as well as the historical forms of ownership and control of labor activity. Scales the impact of large corporations that control and the conflict between mechanized and manual labor in the process, questioning the nefarious effects of the restructuring of the productive working class, especially on small businesses and craft work. It also addresses the rise of a category gestorial in the process of labor control throughout history Finally, invoking the metaphor of Plato\'s cave in this work Saramago, explores how labor control by large corporations causes the estrangement in all dimensions of life, establishing relationships between fetishism, consumer relations and sociability.
Resumo:
This paper is about three working class women academics in their 40s, who are at different phases in their career. I take a reflexive, feminist, (Reay 2000, 2004, Ribbens and Edwards 1998) life story approach (Plummer, 2001) in order to understand their particular narratives about identity, complicity, relationships and discomfort within the academy, and then how they inhabit care-less spaces. However unique their narratives, I am able to explore an aspect of higher education – women and their working relationships – through a lens of care-less spaces, and argue that care-less-ness in the academy, can create and reproduce animosity and collusion. Notably, this is damaging for intellectual pursuits, knowledge production and markedly, the identity of woman academics. In introducing this work, I first contextualise women in the academy and define the term care-less spaces, then move onto discuss feminist methods. I then explore and critique in some detail, the substantive findings under the headings of ‘complicity and ‘faking’ it’ and ‘publishing and collaboration’. The final section concludes the paper by drawing on Herring’s (2013) legal premise, in the context of care ethics, as a way to interrogate particular care-less spaces within higher education.
Resumo:
El propósito de este trabajo de investigación es relevar la experiencia de una escuela pública del distrito de La Matanza, en el conurbano bonaerense. Esta institución enclavada en una zona popular, Villa Scasso, fue creada hace trece años y atiende a una población infantil y juvenil de educación especial. El motivo de la investigación no se centra en la especificidad de este campo educativo sino en el proceso de construcción de una propuesta pedagógica que tensiona las formas escolares, amplía las fronteras educativas y transforma el tiempo y el espacio escolar. La atención de la presente indagación está puesta en problematizar la relación de la educación con la desigualdad y la igualdad, con el objetivo de abrir nuevos interrogantes sobre el carácter de determinación que se le otorga a la pobreza, la marginalidad y la exclusión en el terreno educativo, en particular en su relación con las escuelas de sectores populares. Las infancias populares acceden a circuitos de escolarización diferenciados, pero su carácter reproductor y/o emancipador configura un discurso que no se clausura a priori. Esta tesis doctoral abre interrogantes sobre esta problemática y documenta una experiencia educativa que "hace escuela" de manera "especial"
Resumo:
Este artículo se enfoca en el estudio del período que corre entre 1935 y 1951 para destacar una de las empresas más importantes del PC a nivel mundial, con substanciales réditos en Argentina: la organización de las mujeres. En particular, nuestro interrogante es de qué modo un partido tradicionalmente considerado de estructuración directa y unitaria, profesional, eminentemente concentrado en la línea de formación ideológica por sobre la electoral, caracterizado por un perfil obrero y fuerte en términos de organización administrativa interna -particularmente, debido a su característica celular-, encuentra límites a esa propia caracterización organizacional en tanto delinea una política de intervención coyuntural que lo coloca en alianzas con otros actores y modifica, con ello, sus propios caracteres. El corpus documental de esta investigación incluye documentos y prensa partidaria (comunista y de otras agrupaciones políticas o sociales); archivos personales, autobiografías y entrevistas. La codificación permitió un ordenamiento de los datos extraídos de los documentos relevados, agrupándolos, según similitudes o diferencias relevantes en categorías que hicieron posible su análisis
Resumo:
El propósito de este trabajo de investigación es relevar la experiencia de una escuela pública del distrito de La Matanza, en el conurbano bonaerense. Esta institución enclavada en una zona popular, Villa Scasso, fue creada hace trece años y atiende a una población infantil y juvenil de educación especial. El motivo de la investigación no se centra en la especificidad de este campo educativo sino en el proceso de construcción de una propuesta pedagógica que tensiona las formas escolares, amplía las fronteras educativas y transforma el tiempo y el espacio escolar. La atención de la presente indagación está puesta en problematizar la relación de la educación con la desigualdad y la igualdad, con el objetivo de abrir nuevos interrogantes sobre el carácter de determinación que se le otorga a la pobreza, la marginalidad y la exclusión en el terreno educativo, en particular en su relación con las escuelas de sectores populares. Las infancias populares acceden a circuitos de escolarización diferenciados, pero su carácter reproductor y/o emancipador configura un discurso que no se clausura a priori. Esta tesis doctoral abre interrogantes sobre esta problemática y documenta una experiencia educativa que "hace escuela" de manera "especial"
Resumo:
Este artículo se enfoca en el estudio del período que corre entre 1935 y 1951 para destacar una de las empresas más importantes del PC a nivel mundial, con substanciales réditos en Argentina: la organización de las mujeres. En particular, nuestro interrogante es de qué modo un partido tradicionalmente considerado de estructuración directa y unitaria, profesional, eminentemente concentrado en la línea de formación ideológica por sobre la electoral, caracterizado por un perfil obrero y fuerte en términos de organización administrativa interna -particularmente, debido a su característica celular-, encuentra límites a esa propia caracterización organizacional en tanto delinea una política de intervención coyuntural que lo coloca en alianzas con otros actores y modifica, con ello, sus propios caracteres. El corpus documental de esta investigación incluye documentos y prensa partidaria (comunista y de otras agrupaciones políticas o sociales); archivos personales, autobiografías y entrevistas. La codificación permitió un ordenamiento de los datos extraídos de los documentos relevados, agrupándolos, según similitudes o diferencias relevantes en categorías que hicieron posible su análisis
Resumo:
El propósito de este trabajo de investigación es relevar la experiencia de una escuela pública del distrito de La Matanza, en el conurbano bonaerense. Esta institución enclavada en una zona popular, Villa Scasso, fue creada hace trece años y atiende a una población infantil y juvenil de educación especial. El motivo de la investigación no se centra en la especificidad de este campo educativo sino en el proceso de construcción de una propuesta pedagógica que tensiona las formas escolares, amplía las fronteras educativas y transforma el tiempo y el espacio escolar. La atención de la presente indagación está puesta en problematizar la relación de la educación con la desigualdad y la igualdad, con el objetivo de abrir nuevos interrogantes sobre el carácter de determinación que se le otorga a la pobreza, la marginalidad y la exclusión en el terreno educativo, en particular en su relación con las escuelas de sectores populares. Las infancias populares acceden a circuitos de escolarización diferenciados, pero su carácter reproductor y/o emancipador configura un discurso que no se clausura a priori. Esta tesis doctoral abre interrogantes sobre esta problemática y documenta una experiencia educativa que "hace escuela" de manera "especial"
Resumo:
Este artículo se enfoca en el estudio del período que corre entre 1935 y 1951 para destacar una de las empresas más importantes del PC a nivel mundial, con substanciales réditos en Argentina: la organización de las mujeres. En particular, nuestro interrogante es de qué modo un partido tradicionalmente considerado de estructuración directa y unitaria, profesional, eminentemente concentrado en la línea de formación ideológica por sobre la electoral, caracterizado por un perfil obrero y fuerte en términos de organización administrativa interna -particularmente, debido a su característica celular-, encuentra límites a esa propia caracterización organizacional en tanto delinea una política de intervención coyuntural que lo coloca en alianzas con otros actores y modifica, con ello, sus propios caracteres. El corpus documental de esta investigación incluye documentos y prensa partidaria (comunista y de otras agrupaciones políticas o sociales); archivos personales, autobiografías y entrevistas. La codificación permitió un ordenamiento de los datos extraídos de los documentos relevados, agrupándolos, según similitudes o diferencias relevantes en categorías que hicieron posible su análisis
Resumo:
This article seeks to revise Jo Doezema’s suggestion that ‘the white slave’ was the only dominant representation of ‘the trafficked woman’ used by early anti-trafficking advocates in Europe and the United States, and that discourses based on this figure of injured innocence are the only historical discourses that are able to shine light on contemporary anti-trafficking rhetoric. ‘The trafficked woman’ was a figure painted using many shades of grey in the past, with a number of injurious consequences, not only for trafficked persons but also for female labour migrants and migrant populations at large. In England, dominant organizational portrayals of ‘the trafficked woman’ had first acquired these shades by the 1890s, when trafficking started to proliferate amid mass migration from Continental Europe, and when controversy began to mount over the migration to the country of various groups of working-class foreigner. The article demonstrates these points by exploring the way in which the Jewish Association for the Protection of Girls and Women (JAPGW), one of the pillars of England’s early anti-trafficking movement, represented the female Jewish migrants it deemed at risk from being trafficked into sex work between 1890 and 1910. It argues that the JAPGW stigmatised these women, placing most of the onus for trafficking upon them and positioning them to a greater or a lesser extent as ‘undesirable and undeserving working-class foreigners’ who could never become respectable English women. It also contends that the JAPGW, in outlining what was wrong with certain female migrants, drew a line between ‘the migrant’ and respectable English society at large, and paradoxically endorsed the extension of the very ‘anti-alienist’ and Antisemitic prejudices that it strove to dispel.