Reproducing Women: Female Bodily Narratives and English Patriarchies, 1600-1660

During the early Stuart period, England’s return to male monarchal rule resulted in the emergence of a political analogy that understood the authority of the monarch to be rooted in the “natural” authority of the father; consequently, the mother’s authoritative role within the family was repressed. As the literature of the period recognized, however, there would be no family unit for the father to lead without the words and bodies of women to make narratives of dynasty and legitimacy possible. Early modern discourse reveals that the reproductive roles of men and women, and the social hierarchies that grow out of them, are as much a matter of human design as of divine or natural law. Moreover, despite the attempts of James I and Charles I to strengthen royal patriarchal authority, the role of the monarch was repeatedly challenged on stage and in print even prior to the British Civil Wars and the 1649 beheading of Charles I. Texts produced at moments of political crisis reveal how women could uphold the legitimacy of familial and political hierarchies, but they also disclose patriarchy’s limits by representing “natural” male authority as depending in part on women’s discursive control over their bodies. Due to the epistemological instability of the female reproductive body, women play a privileged interpretive role in constructing patriarchal identities. The dearth of definitive knowledge about the female body during this period, and the consequent inability to fix or stabilize somatic meaning, led to the proliferation of differing, and frequently contradictory, depictions of women’s bodies. The female body became a site of contested meaning in early modern discourse, with men and women struggling for dominance, and competitors so diverse as to include kings, midwives, scholars of anatomy, and female religious sectarians. Essentially, this competition came down to a question of where to locate somatic meaning: In the opaque, uncertain bodies of women? In women’s equally uncertain and unreliable words? In the often contradictory claims of various male-authored medical treatises? In the whispered conversations that took place between women behind the closed doors of birthing rooms? My dissertation traces this representational instability through plays by William Shakespeare, John Ford, Thomas Middleton, and William Rowley, as well as in monstrous birth pamphlets, medical treatises, legal documents, histories, satires, and ballads. In these texts, the stories women tell about and through their bodies challenge and often supersede male epistemological control. These stories, which I term female bodily narratives, allow women to participate in defining patriarchal authority at the levels of both the family and the state. After laying out these controversies and instabilities surrounding early modern women’s bodies in my first chapter, my remaining chapters analyze the impact of women’s words on four distinct but overlapping reproductive issues: virginity, pregnancy, birthing room rituals, and paternity. In chapters 2 and 3, I reveal how women construct the inner, unseen “truths” of their reproductive bodies through speech and performance, and in doing so challenge the traditional forms of male authority that depend on these very constructions for coherence. Chapter 2 analyzes virginity in Thomas Middleton and William Rowley’s play The Changeling (1622) and in texts documenting the 1613 Essex divorce, during which Frances Howard, like Beatrice-Joanna in the play, was required to undergo a virginity test. These texts demonstrate that a woman’s ability to feign virginity could allow her to undermine patriarchal authority within the family and the state, even as they reveal how men relied on women to represent their reproductive bodies in socially stabilizing ways. During the British Civil Wars and Interregnum (1642-1660), Parliamentary writers used Howard as an example of how the unruly words and bodies of women could disrupt and transform state politics by influencing court faction; in doing so, they also revealed how female bodily narratives could help recast political historiography. In chapter 3, I investigate depictions of pregnancy in John Ford’s tragedy, ‘Tis Pity She’s a Whore (1633) and in early modern medical treatises from 1604 to 1651. Although medical texts claim to convey definitive knowledge about the female reproductive body, in actuality male knowledge frequently hinged on the ways women chose to interpret the unstable physical indicators of pregnancy. In Ford’s play, Annabella and Putana take advantage of male ignorance in order to conceal Annabella’s incestuous, illegitimate pregnancy from her father and husband, thus raising fears about women’s ability to misrepresent their bodies. Since medical treatises often frame the conception of healthy, legitimate offspring as a matter of national importance, women’s ability to conceal or even terminate their pregnancies could weaken both the patriarchal family and the patriarchal state that the family helped found. Chapters 4 and 5 broaden the socio-political ramifications of women’s words and bodies by demonstrating how female bodily narratives are required to establish paternity and legitimacy, and thus help shape patriarchal authority at multiple social levels. In chapter 4, I study representations of birthing room gossip in Thomas Middleton’s play, A Chaste Maid in Cheapside (1613), and in three Mistris Parliament pamphlets (1648) that satirize parliamentary power. Across these texts, women’s birthing room “gossip” comments on and critiques such issues as men’s behavior towards their wives and children, the proper use of household funds, the finer points of religious ritual, and even the limits of the authority of the monarch. The collective speech of the female-dominated birthing room thus proves central not only to attributing paternity to particular men, but also to the consequent definition and establishment of the political, socio-economic, and domestic roles of patriarchy. Chapter 5 examines anxieties about paternity in William Shakespeare’s The Winter’s Tale (1611) and in early modern monstrous birth pamphlets from 1600 to 1647, in which children born with congenital deformities are explained as God’s punishment for the sexual, religious, and/or political transgressions of their parents or communities. Both the play and the pamphlets explore the formative/deformative power of women’s words and bodies over their offspring, a power that could obscure a father’s connection to his children. However, although the pamphlets attempt to contain and discipline women’s unruly words and bodies with the force of male authority, the play reveals the dangers of male tyranny and the crucial role of maternal authority in reproducing and authenticating dynastic continuity and royal legitimacy. My emphasis on the socio-political impact of women’s self-representation distinguishes my work from that of scholars such as Mary Fissell and Julie Crawford, who claim that early modern beliefs about the female reproductive body influenced textual depictions of major religious and political events, but give little sustained attention to the role female speech plays in these representations. In contrast, my dissertation reveals that in such texts, patriarchal society relies precisely on the words women speak about their own and other women’s bodies. Ultimately, I argue that female bodily narratives were crucial in shaping early modern culture, and they are equally crucial to our critical understanding of sexual and state politics in the literature of the period.

The use of e-voting as a new tool of e-participation in modern democracies

Finding the answer to the question of the role of electronic voting in a modern country consti - tutes an important part of researches into electronic democracy. The recent dynamic development of in - formation and communication technologies (ICT) and mass media have been leading to noticeable changes in functioning of contemporary countries and societies. ICT is beginning to play a greater and greater role and filter down to almost every field of contemporary human life – including politics. Elec - tronic voting represents one of the more and more popular forms of so called e-democracy, and is an in - teresting research subject in the context of mechanisms for implementing this form of participation in elections, its legitimization, specific technological solutions for e-voting and their effectiveness as well as unintended consequences. The main subject of this text is the use of electronic voting ( e-voting )asone of the forms of electronic democracy . The article attempts to answer the following research questions: First, what is the impact of ICT on the political processes – particularly on the voting procedures? Sec- ondly, what is the essence of electronic voting and what are its main features? Finally, what are the e-voting experiences in the European countries? The text is devoted rather to general remarks on e-voting, and does not constitute a complete analysis of the issue. It is intended to be a contribution to the further considerations.

Improving deliberative participation : connecting mini-publics to deliberative systems

Non-comital women of twelfth-century England: a charter based analysis

This thesis sets out to explore the place and agency of non-comital women in twelfth-century Anglo-Norman England. Until now, broad generalisations have been applied to all aristocratic women based on a long established scholarship on royal and comital women. Non-comital women have been overlooked, mainly because of an assumed lack of suitable sources from this time period. The first aim of this thesis is to demonstrate that there is a sufficient corpus of charters for a study of this social group of women. It is based on a database created from 5545 charters, of which 3046 were issued by non-comital women and men, taken from three case study counties, Oxfordshire, Suffolk and Yorkshire, and is also supported by other government records. This thesis demonstrates that non-comital women had significant social and economic agency in their own person. By means of a detailed analysis of charters and their clauses this thesis argues that scholarship on non-comital women must rethink the framework applied to the study of non-comital women to address the lifecycle as one of continuities and as active agents in a wider public society. Non-comital women’s agency and identity was not only based on land or in widowhood, which has been the one period in their life cycles where scholars have recognised some level of autonomy, and women had agency in all stages of their life cycle. Women’s agency and identity were drawn from and part of a wider framework that included their families, their kin, and broader local political, religious, and social networks. Natal families continued to be important sources of agency and identity to women long after they had married. Part A of the thesis applies modern charter diplomatic analysis methods to the corpus of charters to bring out and explore women’s presence therein. Part B contextualises these findings and explores women’s agency in their families, landholding, the gift-economy, and the wider religious and social networks of which they were a part.

Towards participatory political theology: democratic consolidation in Southeastern Europe and the role of Eastern Christianity in the process

This thesis defends the position that the Eastern Orthodoxy has the potential to develop, on the basis of its core concepts and doctrines, a new political theology that is participatory, personalist and universalist. This participatory political theology, as I name it, endorses modern democracy and the values of civic engagement. It enhances the process of democracy-building and consolidation in the SEE countries through cultivating the ethos of participation and concern with the common good among and the recognition of the dignity and freedom of the person. This political-theological model is developed while analyzing critically the traditional models of church-state relations (the symphonia model corresponding to the medieval empire and the Christian nation model corresponding to the nation-state) as being instrumentalized to serve the political goals of non-democratic regimes. The participatory political-theological model is seen as corresponding to the conditions of the constitutional democratic state. The research is justified by the fact the Eastern Orthodoxy has been a dominant religiouscultural force in the European South East for centuries, thus playing a significant role in the process of creation of the medieval and modern statehood of the SEE countries. The analysis employs comparative constitutional perspectives on democratic transition and consolidation in the SEE region with the theoretical approaches of political theology and Eastern Orthodox theology. The conceptual basis for the political-theological synthesis is found in the concept and doctrines of the Eastern Orthodoxy (theosis and synergy, ecclesia and Eucharist, conciliarity and catholicity, economy and eschatology) which emphasize the participatory, personalist and communal dimensions of the Orthodox faith and practice. The paradigms of revealing the political-theological potential of these concepts are the Eucharistic ecclesiology and the concept of divine-human communion as defining the body of Orthodox theology. The thesis argues that with its ethos of openness and engagement the participatory political theology presupposes political systems that are democratic, inclusive, and participatory, respecting the rights and the dignity of the person. The political theology developed here calls for a transformation and change of democratic systems towards better realization of their personalist and participatory commitments. In the context of the SEE countries the participatory political theology addresses the challenges posed by alternative authoritarian political theologies practiced in neighboring regions.

É preciso ter coragem: um estudo das narrativas de mulheres na política

É na busca por compreender a inserção e participação de mulheres na política partidária na contemporaneidade que esta dissertação, situada na linha de pesquisa Culturas, Linguagens e Utopias, tem como objetivo analisar as narrativas de vereadoras de municípios que estão localizados na região sul do Rio Grande do Sul no período de 2009-2012. O corpus de análise constitui-se de entrevistas individuais semiestruturadas com as onze vereadoras participantes a partir da metodologia de investigação narrativa. Partindo das contribuições dos Estudos Culturais e de Gênero em suas vertentes pós-estruturalistas procurou-se problematizar alguns discursos e práticas que emergiram nas narrativas com base nas contribuições da análise do discurso de Michel Foucault. Assim, verificou-se que a representação cultural das mulheres neste campo político está fundamentada em concepções essencialistas do gênero feminino como a sensibilidade. Isso vem provocando discussões na ciência política e nos estudos de gênero a partir de termos como política de ideias, política de desvelo que discutem a presença das mulheres em decorrência ou não desses atributos. O fato é que esses discursos vêm instituindo diferenças na participação de homens e mulheres na política e constituindo formas de ser mulher na política partidária e de fazer política diferenciada das dos homens de forma menos “dura”, “rígida”. Ao debruçar-se na inserção das mulheres nessa esfera pública constatou-se uma trajetória marcada pelas noções de público e privado que impediu ao longo de nossa história a participação das mulheres no campo político e o desenvolvimento de sua cidadania. Além disso, nas narrativas das vereadoras fica evidente que as mulheres não foram constituídas para participarem do que hoje é um direito seu: a esfera pública de decisão da política. Isso foi constatado a partir do convite que foi feito para a candidatura pelos partidos que a partir das cotas partidárias procuraram mais significativamente por mulheres para concorrer. Também se observou neste estudo o capital político de ingresso das mulheres nessa esfera: o capital familiar, capital dos movimentos sociais e capital de ocupação em cargos públicos. Quanto a participação das mulheres no cotidiano de seus mandatos identificamos a dificuldade de ser mulher e política na atualidade. As negociações com os partidos e os colegas, a conciliação entre a família e a vida pública; os focos de atuação dedicados as áreas sociais e nesse destacamos mais significativamente a educação. Por fim, o que pretendemos foi desconfiar da máxima “lugar de mulher não é na política” e conhecer as trajetórias e histórias de mulheres que cotidianamente entre conflitos e disputas lutam pelo seu lugar na esfera pública, pelo exercício de sua cidadania.

Maria de Lourdes Pintasilgo e a sociedade portuguesa

Sendo certo que as estruturas sociais condicionam e, muitas vezes, determinam a identidade dos indivíduos que se inserem numa sociedade e cultura específica, pareceu-nos importante analisar o modo como Maria de Lourdes Pintasilgo conseguiu romper com algumas estruturas de pensamento e criar novas práticas sociais que conferiram à mulher um novo papel social. Em que medida a transformação política, económica, social e cultural que ocorreu em Portugal na segunda metade do século XX, possibilitou a Maria de Lourdes Pintasilgo a representação do papel de mulher, técnica, representante política e eclesial? Quais as estruturas culturais que entretanto se alteraram e influenciaram o desenvolvimento da condição da mulher na sociedade portuguesa? Como é que a sociedade nacional e internacional representa Maria de Lourdes Pintasilgo? A pesquisa documental e bibliográfica que realizámos permitiu a análise dos códigos culturais que regularam as práticas sociais vigentes na sociedade portuguesa durante a ditadura do Estado Novo. Numa época e num país em que as mulheres se viam arredadas da participação ativa na vida política, Maria de Lourdes destaca-se. Acreditamos que, para o prestígio e projeção que alcançou a nível nacional e internacional, muito contribuiu a sua constante necessidade de confrontação, a sua criatividade intelectual e a sua fé.

Inclusion, Participation and the Emergence of British Chinese Websites

Previous work has drawn attention to the relative absence of British Chinese voices in public culture. No one is more aware of this invisibility than British-born Chinese people themselves. Since 2000 the emergence of Internet discussion sites produced by British Chinese young people has provided an important forum for many of them to grapple with questions concerning their identities, experiences and status in Britain. In this paper we explore the ways in which Internet usage by British-born Chinese people has facilitated forms of self-expression, collective identity production and social and political action. This examination of British Chinese websites raises important questions about inclusion and exclusion, citizenship, participation and the development of a sense of belonging in Britain, issues which are usually overlooked in relation to a group which appears to be well integrated and successful in higher education.

Emerging Gender Regimes and Policies for Gender Equality in a Wider Europe

This article addresses some implications for gender equality and gender policy at European and national levels of transformations in family, economy and polity, which challenge gender regimes across Europe. Women’s labour market participation in the west and the collapse of communism in the east have undermined the systems and assumptions of western male breadwinner and dual worker models of central and eastern Europe. Political reworking of the work/welfare relationship into active welfare has individualised responsibility. Individualisation is a key trend west − and in some respects east − and challenges the structures that supported care in state and family. The links that joined men to women, cash to care, incomes to carers have all been fractured. The article will argue that care work and unpaid care workers are both casualties of these developments. Social, political and economic changes have not been matched by the development of new gender models at the national level. And while EU gender policy has been admired as the most innovative aspect of its social policy, gender equality is far from achieved: women’s incomes across Europe are well below men’s; policies for supporting unpaid care work have developed modestly compared with labour market activation policies.Enlargement brings new challenges as it draws together gender regimes with contrasting histories and trajectories. The article will map social policies for gender equality across the key elements of gender regimes – paid work, care work, income, time and voice – and discuss the nature of a model of gender equality that would bring gender equality across these. It analyses ideas about a dual earner–dual carer model, in the Dutch combination scenario and ‘universal caregiver’ models, at household and civil society levels. These offer a starting point for a model in which paid and unpaid work are equally valued and equally shared between men and women, but we argue that a citizenship model, in which paid and unpaid work obligations are underpinned by social rights, is more likely to achieve gender equality.

Récits du vieillir « actif » et de la citoyenneté au quotidien : l’expérience des femmes aînées au Québec

Taken as a policy framework, active aging ranks high on most supranational bodies’ agenda. The new political economy of aging portrays “active” citizenship amongst seniors as a key challenge for the years to come. Our research focuses on, first, elderly women’s everyday ‘active’ practices, their meaning and purpose, in the context of Quebec’s active aging policy framework; and second, their day-to-day practical citizenship experiences. Informed by discourse analysis and a narrative approach, the life stories of women 60 to 70 years of age allowed for the identification of a plethora of distinctive old age activity figures. More specifically, four activity figures were identified by which respondents materialize their routine active practices, namely: (1) paid work; (2) voluntary and civic engagement; (3) physical activity; and (4) caregiving. Set against Quebec’s active aging policy framework, these patterns and set of practices that underpin them are clearly in tune with government’s dominant perspectives. Respondents’ narratives also show that active aging connotes a range of ‘ordinary’ activities of daily living, accomplished within people’s private worlds and places of proximity. Despite nuances, tensions and opposition found in dominant public discourse, as well as in active aging practices, a form of counter-discourse does not emerge from respondents’ narratives. To be active is normally the antithesis of immobility and dependence. Thus, to see oneself as active in old age draws on normative, positive assumptions about old age quite difficult to refute; nevertheless, discourses also raise identity and relational issues. In this respect, social inclusion issues cut across all active aging practices described by respondents. Moreover, a range of individual aims and quests underpin activity pattern. Such quests express respondents’ subjective interactions with their social environment; including their actions’ meaning and sense of social inclusiveness in old age. A first quest relates to personal identity and social integration to the world; a second one concerns giving; a third centers on the search for authenticity; whereas the fourth one is connected to a desire for freedom. It is through the objectivising of active practices and related existential pursuits that elderly woman recognize themselves as active citizens, rooted in the community, and variously contributing to society. Accordingly, ‘active’ citizenship experiences are articulated in a dialogic manner between the dimensions of ‘doing’, ‘active’ social practices, and ‘being’ in relation to others, within a context of interdependence. A proposed typology allows for the modeling of four ‘active’ citizenship figures. Overall, despite the role played by power relations and social inequality in structuring aging experiences, in everyday life ‘old age citizenship’ appears as a relational process, embedded in a set of social relations and practices involving individuals, families and communities, whereby elderly women are able to express a sense of agency within their social world.

Charging The Net: Social Activism in Women's Professional Tennis

This dissertation is an analysis of social activism within women’s professional tennis. In the 46 years since the women known as the Original 9 began protesting against the pay inequality between men’s and women’s tennis, subsequent cohorts of women have brought different issues and concerns to women’s tennis, expanding its scope and efforts.  Using qualitative research, including interviews with former players and press conference participation at tournaments to access current players, this study shows the lineage of social activism within women’s tennis and the issues, expressions, risks and effects of each cohort. Intersectionality theoretically frames this study, and analyses of performativity appears regularly. Each generational cohort is a chapter of this study. The Original 9 of the Movement Cohort fought for equal prize money. The Bridge Cohort, the era of Evert and Navratilova, continued the Movement Cohort’s push for equal prize money; however, they also ushered in identity politics (including gender, sexuality, and nationality, but with the notable exception of race). The Professional Cohort, the current era, followed the Bridge Cohort and is characterized by its focus on corporatization and mass-marketing. As such, there is a focus among the players on individualism which can seem like a lack of social activism is occurring. However, race, neglected during the Bridge Cohort, emerged during the Professional Cohort. The individualism of this cohort made space for Blackness to show unapologetically, though, within certain constraints. Finally, a few players are working on social justice issues in society at large, as well as trying to institute change within women’s tennis. These players make up the Post-Professional Cohort (or, as Pam Shriver from the Bridge Cohort calls them, “Bridge Throwbacks”).  This study shows the evolution of social activism within women’s tennis, as it reflects larger social change. Though bound together as one unified body, the social activism engaged in by each generation focused on different issues, making each generational cohort distinct from the whole of women’s professional tennis.

Crises and Crisis Generations: International Conflict and Military Participation in Politics

Why do states facing high levels of international threat sometimes have militaries that are heavily involved in politics and at other times relatively apolitical, professional militaries? I argue that the answer to this puzzle lies in a state's history of 'acute' international crises rather than its 'chronic' threat environment. Major international crises lead to professionalization and de-politicization of militaries in both the short- and long-term. International crises underscore the need for the military to defend the state and highlight military deficiencies in this regard. Accordingly, major international crises lead to military professionalization and withdrawal from politics in order to increase military effectiveness. This effect persists years, and decades, later due to generational shifts in the officer corps. As the "Crisis Generation" of officers become generals, they bring with them a preference for professionalization and de-politicization. They guide the military towards abstention from politics. I test this theory using a new global dataset on military officers in national governing bodies from 1964-2008 and find strong support for the theory. Major international crises lead to two waves of military withdrawal from government, years apart. Further statistical analysis finds that this effect is most strongly felt in the non-security areas of governing, while in some cases, international crises may lead to militaries increasing their involvement in security policy-making. Further, international crises that end poorly for a state — i.e., defeats or stalemates — are found to drive more rapid waves of military withdrawal from government. The statistical analysis is supported by a case illustration of civil-military relations in the People's Republic of China, which demonstrates that the crisis of the Korean War (1950-53) led to two waves of military professionalization and de-politicization, decades apart. The first occurred immediately after the war. The second wave, occurring in the 1980s, involved wholesale military withdrawal from governing bodies, which was made possible by the ascent of the "Crisis Generation" of officers in the military, who had served as junior officers in the Korean War, decades prior.

No caminho da cidadania...

No pós-guerra iniciou-se um processo de internalização política dos direitos fundamentais das mulheres com base na Declaração Universal dos Direitos do Homem, (10 de dezembro de 1948), onde são enaltecidos direitos e valores como a Liberdade e a Igualdade. A adoção da Declaração por parte de países democráticos, como o caso de Portugal, conduziu ao exercício de cidadania plena, independentemente do género, da raça e da religião. Assim, a não discriminação tornou-se um princípio a aplicar nas esferas familiares, públicas e laborais. Tal significa, por exemplo, partilha de tarefas domésticas entre homens e mulheres, participação na vida comunitária e iguais oportunidades laborais. Mas foram superadas as discriminações? Que se passa a nível laboral? A presente dissertação resulta de uma investigação sobre a situação laboral das mulheres em serviços onde constitucionalmente usufruem dos mesmos direitos que os seus colegas homens. Incide sobre os serviços públicos, privados e empresas de Ponte de Sor e tem por referencial o III Plano Nacional para a Igualdade de Cidadania e Género (2007/2010), cuja principal linha orientadora é "o aprofundamento de atividade política e de realidade social (gendermainstreaming)" (2007, p.l5). Com a realização deste estudo concretizámos um trabalho constituído por 3 capítulos, onde se constata que “No Caminho da Cidadania..." é um processo lento. No primeiro capítulo procurou-se abordar a origem histórica do conceito de cidadania e no capítulo segundo tratou­ se da relação da mulher com o trabalho e o poder. O terceiro capítulo, e último, dá conta dos resultados de questionários realizados em Ponte de Sor, nos serviços públicos e privados, e empresas. A conclusão revela a perplexidade causada pela quase indiferença em relação às questões de género nos Serviços questionados em Ponte de Sor. SUMMARY: After World War I began a process of political antinationalization of the women fundamental rights based on the Universal Declaration of the Human Rights, (1Oth December 1948), where rights and values like liberty and equality are exalted. The adoption of the Declaration by the democratically countries, like Portugal, leaded to the execution of full citizenship, independently of gender, race and religion. Therefore, nondiscrimination became a principle to apply in the family, public and labor spheres. This means, for example, share of domestic tasks between men and women, participation in the communal life, and equal opportunities of labor. But were the discriminations surpassed? What is going on the labor level This dissertation results from an inquiry about the labor situation of women in service where constitutionally make uses of the same rights as their colleague’s men. It reflects on the public, private and companies of Ponte de Sor which has for yardstick the III National Plan for Equality of Citizenship and Gender (2007/2010), whose mainline adviser is "the political activity and the social reality deepening (gender mainstreaming)" (2007, p.15). Through this study we fixed a work constituted by three chapters, where it established that "On the Path of Citizenship ..." is a slow process. ln the first chapter tried to broach the historical origin of the concept of citizenship and in the second paragraph was approached the relation of women with labor and power. The third, and last, chapter tries to show the results of questionnaires carried out in Ponte de Sor, in the public, private services and companies. The conclusion reveals the perplexity caused by the barely indifference regarding the questions of genre in the Services questioned in Ponte de Sor.

La famille nucléaire au 21e siècle : quelle place pour le père?

Depuis les débuts de la deuxième vague féministe, la participation quasi-universelle des femmes au marché du travail a causé la perte, pour les pères de famille, du rôle de pourvoyeur exclusif que ces derniers avaient tenu depuis si longtemps. Les femmes hétérosexuelles de la société contemporaine sont dorénavant plus scolarisées et atteignent des carrières plus avancées que leurs contreparties masculines. Alors que les femmes soutiennent davantage la famille par leurs emplois, les hommes doivent proportionnellement assumer des rôles plus actifs et participatifs à la maison. En cette période de transition, de transformation et de redéfinition rapides des rôles genrés à l’intérieur de l’économie familiale hétérosexuelle, les pères participent de manière plus équitable à l’éducation des enfants et à l’entretien du domicile, ces rôles ayant longtemps été attribués presque exclusivement aux femmes. Ces nouvelles responsabilités détonnent avec les représentations stéréotypées des hommes dans la culture populaire, ainsi qu’avec les modèles d’identification de la masculinité normative que les hommes ont requis et requièrent toujours sous l’égide de l’hétérosexualité imposée. De ce fait, les hommes occidentaux de moins de cinquante ans se trouvent souvent à cheval entre deux mondes d’exigences concurrentes. La place que peuvent et doivent prendre les pères au sein de leurs familles requiert un questionnement critique. L’ironie de la place du père peut être comprise comme la tension entre les normes du genre rétrogrades ou conservatrices et les exigences – à la fois politiques et pragmatiques – de la masculinité de la classe moyenne contemporaine. Cette tension fondamentale et structurante de la masculinité contemporaine est vécue par l’anxiété d’association au genre, ainsi qu’à travers des difficultés filiales, paternelles et intergénérationnelles. Ce mémoire de maîtrise adopte une approche déconstructiviste envers l’analyse de constructions contemporaines de la masculinité reproductive. À travers les gender studies, la théorie queer ainsi que la psychanalyse, le mémoire offre des lectures analytiques du discours de croissance personnelle de John Stoltenberg, de la fiction autobiographique de Karl Ove Knausgaard, ainsi que de la série télévisée américaine Dexter.