Práticas e representações sociais do trabalho em equipe na Marinha do Brasil

A presente dissertação teve como objetivo investigar as representações sociais do trabalho em equipe na Marinha do Brasil. A fundamentação teórica do trabalho foi proporcionada pela perspectiva psicossocial das representações sociais de S. Moscovici, com ênfase sobre a abordagem estrutural complementar devida a J-C. Abric. Quanto à parte empírica, aplicou-se numa etapa exploratória a técnica do grupo focal. Numa etapa seguinte, aplicou-se conjuntamente um questionário com perguntas abertas e fechadas e uma técnica de evocação livre a cento e trinta e nove militares, pertencentes aos círculos de Suboficiais e Sargentos, de Oficiais Intermediários e Subalternos e de Oficiais Superiores, oriundos da Força de Superfície e da Força de Submarinos. Os resultados revelaram a presença de diferentes representações sociais do trabalho em equipe entre Oficiais e Praças, e também entre as Forças Operativas pesquisadas. Foi evidenciado que, pelo fato da liderança ser o conteúdo central das representações sociais de equipe na MB, existe uma resistência por parte de todos os grupos pesquisados em formar equipes mais autônomas, apesar de as condutas de lideranças estarem voltadas para o incentivo de opiniões e valorização das participações dos integrantes da equipe.

Abundance and population density of cetaceans in the California Current ecosystem

The abundance and population density of cetaceans along the U.S. west coast were estimated from ship surveys conducted in the summer and fall of 1991, 1993, 1996, 2001, and 2005 by using multiple-covariate, line-transect analyses. Overall, approximately 556,000 cetaceans of 21 species were estimated to be in the 1,141,800-km2 study area. Delphinoids (Delphinidae and Phocoenidae), the most abundant group, numbered ~540,000 individuals. Abundance in other taxonomic groups included ~5800 baleen whales (Mysticeti), ~7000 beaked whales (Ziphiidae), and ~3200 sperm whales (Physeteridae). This study provides the longest time series of abundance estimates that includes all the cetacean species in any marine ecosystem. These estimates will be used to interpret the impacts of human-caused mortality (such as that documented in fishery bycatch and that caused by ship strikes and other means) and to evaluate the ecological role of cetaceans in the California Current ecosystem.

Avaliação da exposição de botos-cinza (Sotalia guianensis Van Benédén, 1864) aos compostos orgânicos de estanho através das concentrações hepáticas de estanho total na costa sudeste e sul do Brasil

Durante as últimas décadas, observou-se um aumento da preocupação em relação aos ecossistemas marinhos devido à grande entrada de poluentes, resultando em efeitos deletérios em organismos aquáticos e seres humanos. Dentre as atividades humanas que podem introduzir compostos tóxicos persistentes e bioacumulativos (PBTs Persistent Bioaccumulative Toxicants) no ambiente marinho está o uso de tintas antiincrustrantes, aplicadas nos cascos de navios para evitar que algas, mexilhões e outros organismos se fixem às embarcações. Não raramente, compostos organoestânicos (OTs) como o Tributilestanho (TBT) ou o Trifenilestanho (TPT) constituíam o princípio ativo de tal preparado. Devido à alta toxicidade desses compostos, a IMO (Organização Marítima Internacional) baniu totalmente o uso dos mesmos. Como os OTs são prontamente bioacumulados, elevadas concentrações de estanho total (SnT) vêm sendo encontradas em cetáceos (Mammalia, Cetacea). Os botos-cinza (Sotalia guianensis Van Beneden, 1864) ocupam elevados níveis tróficos e bioacumulam os PBTs aos quais estão expostos. Alguns autores relataram que o estanho hepático em cetáceos se encontra predominantemente na forma orgânica, visto que, na forma inorgânica tal metal é pobremente absorvido pela mucosa gastrintestinal, de forma que as concentrações hepáticas de SnT refletem o input antrópico de OTs. O presente estudo teve como principal objetivo, avaliar a exposição de botos-cinza aos OTs, através determinação das concentrações hepáticas de estanho total (SnT = orgânico + inorgânico), por Espectrometria de Absorção Atômica com Atomização em Forno de Grafite (GFAAS Graphite Furnace Atomic Absorption Spectrometry). Para tal, amostras de botos-cinza de diferentes áreas do litoral brasileiro, compreendendo a Região da Grande Vitória (GV), Baía de Guanabara (BG), Baía de Sepetiba (B.Sep), a Baía de Paranaguá (PR) e a Baía da Babitonga (SC), foram analisadas, visando comparar ambientes distintamente contaminados com OTs. Sendo assim, as concentrações hepáticas de SnT (em ng/g, peso seco) de botos-cinza variaram de <312 (limite de detecção) a 8.250, para a GV (n=22); de <312 a 14.100, para B.Sep (n = 38); <312 a 5.147, para PR (n= 22), bem como de 626 a 24.780 (ng/g, peso seco) para os botos de SC (n=10). As maiores concentrações foram verificadas nos botos da BG (n=11), variando de 1.265 a 24.882 (ng/g, peso seco). As concentrações encontradas na Baía de Guanabara (BG) estão entre as mais elevadas detectadas em cetáceos.

Soviet Illegal Whaling: The Devil and the Details

In 1948, the U.S.S.R. began a global campaign of illegal whaling that lasted for three decades and, together with the poorly managed “legal” whaling of other nations, seriously depleted whale populations. Although the general story of this whaling has been told and the catch record largely corrected for the Southern Hemisphere, major gaps remain in the North Pacific. Furthermore, little attention has been paid to the details of this system or its economic context. Using interviews with former Soviet whalers and biologists as well as previously unavailable reports and other material in Russian, our objective is to describe how the Soviet whaling industry was structured and how it worked, from the largest scale of state industrial planning down to the daily details of the ways in which whales were caught and processed, and how data sent to the Bureau of International Whaling Statistics were falsified. Soviet whaling began with the factory ship Aleut in 1933, but by 1963 the industry had a truly global reach, with seven factory fleets (some very large). Catches were driven by a state planning system that set annual production targets. The system gave bonuses and honors only when these were met or exceeded, and it frequently increased the following year’s targets to match the previous year’s production; scientific estimates of the sustainability of the resource were largely ignored. Inevitably, this system led to whale populations being rapidly reduced. Furthermore, productivity was measured in gross output (weights of whales caught), regardless of whether carcasses were sound or rotten, or whether much of the animal was unutilized. Whaling fleets employed numerous people, including women (in one case as the captain of a catcher boat). Because of relatively high salaries and the potential for bonuses, positions in the whaling industry were much sought-after. Catching and processing of whales was highly mechanized and became increasingly efficient as the industry gained more experience. In a single day, the largest factory ships could process up to 200 small sperm whales, Physeter macrocephalus; 100 humpback whales, Megaptera novaeangliae; or 30–35 pygmy blue whales, Balaenoptera musculus brevicauda. However, processing of many animals involved nothing more than stripping the carcass of blubber and then discarding the rest. Until 1952, the main product was whale oil; only later was baleen whale meat regularly utilized. Falsified data on catches were routinely submitted to the Bureau of International Whaling Statistics, but the true catch and biological data were preserved for research and administrative purposes. National inspectors were present at most times, but, with occasional exceptions, they worked primarily to assist fulfillment of plan targets and routinely ignored the illegal nature of many catches. In all, during 40 years of whaling in the Antarctic, the U.S.S.R. reported 185,778 whales taken but at least 338,336 were actually killed. Data for the North Pacific are currently incomplete, but from provisional data we estimate that at least 30,000 whales were killed illegally in this ocean. Overall, we judge that, worldwide, the U.S.S.R. killed approximately 180,000 whales illegally and caused a number of population crashes. Finally, we note that Soviet illegal catches continued after 1972 despite the presence of international observers on factory fleets.

A Whale of a Deception

In late October of 1966, an imposing ship steamed quietly through the placid waters of the Suez Canal. Clad in drab industrial gray, and flying a Soviet hammer and sickle flag at her masthead, the vessel was accompanied by a large fleet of smaller craft. Any observer able to decipher Cyrillic script could have read, in rusting metallic letters on her bow, the name Sovetskaya Ukraina. The more experienced would perhaps have identified her as a whaling factory ship, traveling with her attendant fleet of catcher boats and scouting vessels on a transit that would take them south into the Red Sea and beyond.

Beluga, Delphinapterus leucas, Habitat Associations in Cook Inlet, Alaska

A review of available information describing habitat associations for belugas, Delphinapterus leucas, in Cook Inlet was undertaken to complement population assessment surveys from 1993-2000. Available data for physical, biological, and anthropogenic factors in Cook Inlet are summarized followed by a provisional description of seasonal habitat associations. To summarize habitat preferences, the beluga summer distribution pattern was used to partition Cook Inlet into three regions. In general, belugas congregate in shallow, relatively warm, low-salinity water near major river outflows in upper Cook Inlet during summer (defined as their primary habitat), where prey availability is comparatively high and predator occurrence relatively low. In winter, belugas are seen in the central inlet, but sightings are fewer in number, and whales more dispersed compared to summer. Belugas are associated with a range of ice conditions in winter, from ice-free to 60% ice-covered water. Natural catastrophic events, such as fires, earthquakes, and volcanic eruptions, have had no reported effect on beluga habitat, although such events likely affect water quality and, potentially, prey availability. Similarly, although sewage effluent and discharges from industrial and military activities along Cook Inlet negatively affect water quality, analyses of organochlorines and heavy metal burdens indicate that Cook Inlet belugas are not assimilating contaminant loads greater than any other Alaska beluga stocks. Offshore oil and gas activities and vessel traffic are high in the central inlet compared with other Alaska waters, although belugas in Cook Inlet seem habituated to these anthropogenic factors. Anthropogenic factors that have the highest potential negative impacts on belugas include subsistence hunts (not discussed in this report), noise from transportation and offshore oil and gas extraction (ship transits and aircraft overflights), and water quality degradation (from urban runoff and sewage treatment facilities). Although significant impacts from anthropogenic factors other than hunting are not yet apparent, assessment of potential impacts from human activities, especially those that may effect prey availability, are needed.

Cruises of the Albatross off San Diego and Other Parts of Southern California, 1889–1916

Between 1889 and 1916, the U. S. Fish Commission steamer Albatross made numerous trips to waters off southern California, particularly in and near San Diego Bay. The typical pattern for many years was to conduct cruises in waters off the Pacific Northwest or Alaska in summer months and waters off southern California in winter months. The Albatross conducted the first depth soundings and benthic profiles for southern California waters and secured the first samples of many endemic marine animals of this region. Albatross collections formed the basis for numerous definitive monographs of invertebrates and vertebrates that were published in subsequent years. The Albatross anchored in San Diego Bay in 1894, conducting the first biological investigations of the bay, and returned to sample again in many subsequent years. The ship and its crew also examined Cortez and Tanner banks for exploitation potential and conducted the first biological investigations of southern California’s tuna stocks in 1915 and 1916.

The Great Albatross Philippine Expedition and Its Fishes

The Philippine Expedition of 1907-10 was the longest and most extensive assignment of the Albatross's 39-year career. It came about because the United States had acquired the Philippines following the Spanish-American War of 1898 and the bloody Philippine Insurection of 1899-1902. The purpose of the expedition was to surbey and assess the aquatic resources of the Philippine Islands. Dr. Hugh M. Smith, the Deputy Commissioner of the U.S. Bureau of Fisheries, was the Director of the Expedition. Other scientific participants were Frederick M. Chamberlain, Lewis Radcliffe, Paul Bartsch, Harry C. Fasset, Clarence Wells, Albert Burrows, Alvin Seale, and Roy Chapman Andrews. The expedition consisted of a series of cruises, each beginning and ending in Manila and exploring a different part of the island group. In addition to the Philippines proper, the ship also explored parts of the Dutch East Indies and areas around Hong Kong and Taiwan. The expedition returned great quantities of fish and invertebrate speciments as well as hydrographic and fisheries data; most of the material was eventually deposited in the Smithsonian Institution's National Museum of Natural History. The fisehs were formally accessioned into the museum in 1922 and fell under the car of Barton A. Bean, Assistant Curator of Fishes, who then recruited Henry W. Fowler to work up the material. Fowler completed his studies of the entire collection, but only part of it was ever published, due in part to the economic constraints caused by the Depression. The material from the Philippine Expedition constituted the largest single accession of fishes ever received by the museum. These speciments are in good condition today and are still being used in scientific research.

Kumataro Ito, Japanese Artist on Board the U.S. Bureau of Fisheries Steamer Albatross During the Philippine Expedition, 1907–1910

Kumataro Ito produced hundreds of beautiful color paintings of fishes and invertebrates during and after the 1907-10 Philippine Expeditin of the U.S. Bureau of Fisheries Steamer Albatross. The paintings are housed in the files of the Divisions of Fishes and Mollusks, United States National Museum of Natural History, and Smithsonian Institution Archives, Washington, D.C. Few of those paintings have been published in color, but many have been publishes in black and white. Two years after the expedition, Ito came to Washington, D.C., in 1912 for an extended period to render final paintings based on preliminary color sketches made during the expedition. He did not completly render all the sketches during his stay, probably because he was asked to produced a large number of black-and-white illustrations of Philippine fishes, and a few of North American fishes. Most of the black-and-white illustrations have been published. Few publications containing Ito's Philippine and North American illustrations have acknowledged him. The very little that is known about Ito's life is discussed, examples of his black-and-white and colored fish paintings are reproduced, and his previously unacknowledged illustrations in various publications are herein acknowledged. Another Japanese artist, Yasui, about whom almost nothing is known, joined the Albatross during Ito's second tour on board the ship. It appears, with few exceptions, that Yasui produced only preliminary color sketches of fishes, which, if rendered as final paintings, were done by Ito.

A Century of Copepods: The U.S. Fisheries Steamer Albatross

The marine invertebrates of North America received little attention before the arrival of Louis Agassiz in 1846. Agassiz and his students, particularly Addison E. Verrill and Richard Rathbun, and Agassiz's colleague Spencer F. Baird, provided the concept and stimulus for expanded investigations. Baird's U.S. Commission of Fish and Fisheries (1871) provided a principal means, especially through the U.S. Fisheries Steamer Albatross (1882). Rathbun participated in the first and third Albatrossscientific cruises in 1883-84 and published the fist accounts of Albatross parasitic copepods. The first report of Albatross planktonic copepods was published in 1895 by Wilhelm Giesbrecht of the Naples Zoological Station. Other collections were sent to the Norwegian Georg Ossian Sars. The American Charles Branch Wilson eventually added planktonic copepods to his extensive published works on the parasitic copepods from the Albatross. The Albatross copepods from San Francisco Bay were reported upon by Calvin Olin Esterly in 1924. Henry Bryant Bigelow accompanied the last scientific cruise of the Albatross in 1920. Bigelow incorporated the 1920 copepods into his definitive study of the plankton of the Gulf of Maine. The late Otohiko Tanaka, in 1969, published two reviews of Albatross copepods. Albatross copepods will long be worked and reworked. This great ship and her shipmates were mutually inspiring, and they inspire us still.

History of Whaling and Estimated Kill of Right Whales, Balaena glacialis, in the Northeastern United States, 1620–1924

This study, part of a broader investigation of the history of exploitation of right whales, Balaena glacialis, in the western North Atlantic, emphasizes U.S. shore whaling from Maine to Delaware (from lat. 45°N to 38°30'N) in the period 1620–1924. Our broader study of the entire catch history is intended to provide an empirical basis for assessing past distribution and abundance of this whale population. Shore whaling may have begun at Cape Cod, Mass., in the 1620’s or 1630’s; it was certainly underway there by 1668. Right whale catches in New England waters peaked before 1725, and shore whaling at Cape Cod, Martha’s Vineyard, and Nantucket continued to decline through the rest of the 18th century. Right whales continued to be taken opportunistically in Massachusetts, however, until the early 20th century. They were hunted in Narragansett Bay, R.I., as early as 1662, and desultory whaling continued in Rhode Island until at least 1828. Shore whaling in Connecticut may have begun in the middle 1600’s, continuing there until at least 1718. Long Island shore whaling spanned the period 1650–1924. From its Dutch origins in the 1630’s, a persistent shore whaling enterprise developed in Delaware Bay and along the New Jersey shore. Although this activity was most profi table in New Jersey in the early 1700’s, it continued there until at least the 1820’s. Whaling in all areas of the northeastern United States was seasonal, with most catches in the winter and spring. Historically, right whales appear to have been essentially absent from coastal waters south of Maine during the summer and autumn. Based on documented references to specific whale kills, about 750–950 right whales were taken between Maine and Delaware, from 1620 to 1924. Using production statistics in British customs records, the estimated total secured catch of right whales in New England, New York, and Pennsylvania between 1696 and 1734 was 3,839 whales based on oil and 2,049 based on baleen. After adjusting these totals for hunting loss (loss-rate correction factor = 1.2), we estimate that 4,607 (oil) or 2,459 (baleen) right whales were removed from the stock in this region during the 38-year period 1696–1734. A cumulative catch estimate of the stock’s size in 1724 is 1,100–1,200. Although recent evidence of occurrence and movements suggests that right whales continue to use their traditional migratory corridor along the U.S. east coast, the catch history indicates that this stock was much larger in the 1600’s and early 1700’s than it is today. Right whale hunting in the eastern United States ended by the early 1900’s, and the species has been protected throughout the North Atlantic since the mid 1930’s. Among the possible reasons for the relatively slow stock recovery are: the very small number of whales that survived the whaling era to become founders, a decline in environmental carrying capacity, and, especially in recent decades, mortality from ship strikes and entanglement in fishing gear.

Aqui se jaz, aqui se paga : o mercado da morte e do morrer em tempos de imortalidade

Esta tese busca compreender o que os rituais funerários contemporâneos revelam sobre as maneiras com as quais as pessoas têm lidado com a morte e o morrer na atualidade. Desse eixo central se ramificam reflexões sobre a relação dos homens com o tempo, com o envelhecimento e com a finitude. Evidenciando que os modos atuais de lidar com a morte e o morrer envolvem flagrantes processos de mercantilização, patologização, medicalização e espetacularização. O crescente uso de serviços funerários de tanatoestética apontam não somente técnicas de maquiagem dos mortos, mas também estratégias de maquiagem da morte. O investimento financeiro, antes direcionado às preocupações transcendentes com o futuro da alma do morto, se reverte em intervenções físicas no corpo morto, de maneira que ele não emita sinal algum da morte que o tomou e proteja os sobreviventes do contato com a finitude. Essa dissimulação é sinalizada pela redução progressiva do espaço que a sociedade contemporânea tem destinado ao luto e ao sofrimento, categorias com cada vez mais frequência equiparadas a condições patológicas. Utilizando metodologia qualitativa, com pesquisa de campo realizada tanto no Brasil como em Portugal, durante período de doutorado sanduíche no exterior, observou-se um acentuado estreitamento entre as realidades morte e consumo. Indicando uma transposição da lógica comercial de mercado às práticas funerárias tradicionais. Assim, funções simbólicas dos rituais fúnebres vem sendo modificadas e regidas pela lógica do consumo, apresentado na atualidade como alternativa unidimensional para a imperativa vivência initerrupta do prazer e da felicidade. Constatou-se que - apesar da crescente popularização de discussões sobre o tema morte no meio acadêmico, na área da saúde e na mídia - não há aceno de ruptura no seu enquadramento como tabu. Apenas é permitido socialmente que ela ocupe locais determinados: o lugar de espetáculo, de produto, da técnica, da banalização ou mesmo do humor publicitário. As observações e as reflexões realizadas em todo o processo de construção desta tese nos inclinam a considerar que continua vedado o aprofundamento de questões ligadas à expressão de sentimentos de dor e de pesar diante das perdas. Assim como se acentuam os processos de patologização do luto e de distanciamento das demandas existênciais promovidas pela consciência da própria finitude e da passagem do tempo; do tempo de vida de cada um

Charles Henry Gilbert (1859-1928), Naturalist-in-Charge, and Chauncey Thomas, Jr. (1850-1919), Commanding: Conflict Aboard the U. S. Fish Commission Steamer Albatross in 1902

Charles Henry Gilbert (1859-1928) was a pioneering ichthyologist who made major contributions to the study of fishes of the American West. As chairman of the Department ofZoology at Leland Stanford Junior University in Palo Alto, Calif., during 1891-1925, Gilbert was extremely devoted to his work and showed little patience with those ofa different mindset. While serving as Naturalist-in-Charge of the U.S. Fish Commission Steamer Albatross during her exploratory expedition to the Hawaiian Islands in 1902, Gilbert engaged in an acrimonious feud with the ship's captain, Chauncey Thomas, Jr. (1850-1919), U.S.N., over what Gilbert perceived to be an inadequate effort by the captain. This essay focuses on the conflict between two strong figures, each operatingf rom different world views, and each vying for authority. Despite the difficulties these two men faced, the voyage of the Albatross in 1902 must be considered a success, as reflected by the extensive biological samples collected, the many new species of animals discovered, and the resulting publication of important scientific papers.

Liberdade e responsabilidade: estudo sobre a possibilidade de uma filosofia prática em Nietzsche

Esta tese de doutorado é dedicada ao estudo do pensamento de Nietzsche quanto à liberdade e à responsabilidade. Circunscrevendo-se no período que vai de Humano, demasiado Humano até as obras da maturidade produtiva do filósofo, o autor busca identificar os diversos meios que o pensador usou para tentar conceber uma noção de liberdade individual que não incorresse nos pressupostos metafísicos que historicamente determinaram seu conceito, problematizando assim as noções de sujeito, autodeterminação, intencionalidade, vontade, metas, motivos da ação e, particulamente, a noção de responsabilidade. Por meio da análise crítica de determinadas referências teóricas do filósofo, junto de uma leitura cronológica que acompanha as transformações conceituais presentes nas obras publicadas e nas anotações póstumas, esta pesquisa mostra o caminho de experimentação por meio do qual o pensamento de Nietzsche tomou forma e amadureceu ao longo dos anos. O problema que orienta toda a concepção da tese é o questionamento sobre como ser possível a responsabilidade no interior da própria desconstrução do sentido quanto aos critérios de avaliação das ações, de seus motivos e objetivos. Neste sentido, esta pesquisa investiga como Nietzsche busca por outros critérios que possibilitem avaliações e ações com engajamento efetivo e duradouro. Na medida em que sua busca por superação da metafísica envolve o ensaio de pensar num outro modo de relação com a prática de estabilização do devir que não exclua a assunção de sua vigência e as consequências disso, o autor postula a hipótese interpretativa de que o ideal moral de Nietzsche reside na figura do indivíduo soberano apresentado em Para a Genealogia da Moral, no qual se concretizaria a viabilidade de uma forma de comprometimento com projetos e pessoas, reinstaurando-se a liberdade e a responsabilidade como critérios de autorealização que superem, ao mesmo tempo, os seus tradicionais critérios metafísico-niilistas, por meio de uma outra compreensão de subjetividade e de autodeterminação, a partir da prática de experimentos de auto superação que não incorram necessariamente na impossibilidade de engajamentos duradouros.

Programa Espacial Brasileiro: militares, cientistas e a questão da soberania nacional

Esta tese versa sobre a análise de um dos grandes projetos tecnológicos do Estado nacional, o PEB, com o intuito de verificar em que medida o Brasil, enquanto País em desenvolvimento e inserido no processo de globalização econômica, tem a possibilidade de autodeterminar um projeto nacional de desenvolvimento relativamente soberano e sustentável, mediante sua capacitação tecnológica em áreas de ponta, como as tecnologias espaciais. Neste ínterim, é discutido o processo de institucionalização da ciência no País e a implantação de um moderno sistema de C&T no Brasil através de uma aliança entre cientistas e militares, culminando com a criação do CNPq em 1951. Apresentamos uma releitura da nossa recente história política e os projetos nacionais de desenvolvimento de que foi alvo o País, formulados pelos grupos sociais mais representativos da sociedade na época estudada, recuperando uma discussão que, estendendo-se por décadas, reservou à questão científica um lugar privilegiado no planejamento do Estado. O período da ditadura militar é especialmente contemplado, considerando-se ter sido esta a fase em que realmente o Programa Espacial Brasileiro sofreu maiores investimentos, conferindo aos militares um papel de destaque no quadro de atores sociais coletivos empenhados no projeto de desenvolvimento do País, destacando as diversas correntes ideológicas em ação dentro das Forças Armadas. Foi analisado o processo de globalização devido ao seu nexo interno e externo com as políticas científicas implantadas ou preconizadas no País. Esse processo, alavancado pela nova dinâmica tecnológica internacional iniciada nos anos 1980, estabeleceu profundos impactos e mudanças na constituição atual da esfera do político. Este é o cenário onde, de nosso ponto de vista, inscreve-se a questão da capacitação científico-tecnológica como variável estratégica em todos os níveis das relações internacionais. A compreensão desta problemática deve ser entendida como parte do cenário mundial que se configurou nas últimas décadas do século XX, tendo no entrelaçamento das dinâmicas científico-tecnológica e a soberania nacional dos Estados uma sinergia diferenciada na reordenação geopolítica contemporânea.