904 resultados para REFORMS
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A comparative assessment of the successes and failures of the judicial reform efforts of El Salvador and Brazil in the 1980’s produces striking results. The reforms varied greatly in scope and were conducted in very different socio-political and economic backgrounds. While El Salvador’s reforms seemed narrow and ill-planned, on paper it appeared that Brazil’s broad reforms would be a successful model for any country with a fledgling democracy. Brazil’s reforms were an exercise in constitutionalism, implementing genuine separation of powers and receiving legislative and executive support. I was very surprised that these different approaches produced strikingly similar negative effects on the people’s assessment of the judiciary. From this outcome I concluded that while judicial reform of a corrupt or inefficient judiciary is an important step in ensuring the rule of law in society, it can not be the vehicle through which democratic reform is implemented. Quite to the contrary, for successful judicial reform to take place there must be considerable penetration of the law in society through enforcement of unbiased legislation, consistency in the laws and their enforcement, and sufficient time for the reform to have an effect on society.
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The study is a close scrutiny of the process of investigation of offences in India along with an analysis of powers and functions of the investigating agency. The offences, which are prejudicial to sovereignty, integrity and security of the nation or to its friendly relations with foreign states, are generally called the offences against national security. Offences against national security being prejudicial to the very existence of the nation and its legal system, is a heinous and terrible one. As early as 1971 the Law Commission of India had pointed out the need of treating the offences relating to national security and their perpetrators on a totally different procedural footing. The recommendation that, all the offences coming under the said category ought to be brought under the purview of a single enactment so as to confront such offences effectively. The discrepancies in and inadequacies of the criminal justice system in India as much as they are related to the investigations of the offences against national security are examined and the reforms are also suggested. The quality of criminal justice is closely linked with the caliber of the prosecution system and many of the acquittals in courts can be ascribed not only to poor investigations but also to poor quality of prosecution.
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It is hoped that the present study by analysing the dynamics of agrarian change and peasant mobility may contribute to the on-going debate on this issue in India and other developing countries. It may also help to throw light on the validity of some of the theories formulated on the basis of experience in different regions and at different times. The study is likely to be of special importance as it covers an area which has one of the highest densities of population. The area has also witnessed sweeping changes in agrarian structure as a result of the most radical land reforms among the Indian states.
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This thesis discusses the factors which influence the productive and financial performance of the spinning mills in Kerala. The study will also help to assess the effect of ongoing reforms in the industrial sector in India. The main objective of the study is to identify and analyse the factors affecting the efficiency of the spinning mills. The unique feature of the study is that it compares the performance of private sector in relation to its public counterparts and also performance of small sector in relation to medium sector. The study is carried out with reference to the relative performance of differmills in Kerala and to identify the sources of differences in performance. The study covers twenty one spinning mills in Kerala, of which ten are in the private sector, four under NTC, three under co—operat;ive sector and four under KSTC.Measured in terms of firm-size fifteen belong to small size with a spindleage of less than 26,000 and six are in the medium size with a spindleage of 26,000 to 50,0OO.1 The period of study is 1982-83 to 1991-92. Hence, only those companies, of which data of 10 years upto 1991-92 wereavailable, are taken for study.
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Introduction of agrarian reforms and introduction of new technology increased dependence on casual labourers. High labour absorption in the subsistence agriculture and increased price of input resulted in high cost of cultivation. Price of paddy did not rise correspondingly. As a result subsistence economy's future is bleak. The purpose of the _study is to examine these arguments and related issues with the help of empirical evidence from Kuttanad. The credit schemes are designed to help farmers to earn higher incomes by larger output brought either by an increase in area or by an improvement in yield rates or both. It is difficult to isolate the impact of agricultural credit on agricultural development. Because agricultural development is the combined effect of all inputs. The specific .criteria selected for analysing the impact of agricultural icredit are how increased supply of credit would bring changes ‘in capital formation, agrarian relations, informal lending and its cost and the changes in area, output, introduction of new technology, income, savings and employment of farm households.
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In India, film censorship originated with Cinematograph Act 1918 empowering the Provincial Governments to establish censorial authorities. In 1949, an amendment provided for a Central Board of Film Censors. In 1952, a new legislation gave the Central Government enormous powers, making the Board to function as a department of the Central Government. The Government had control over the Board with the mechanism of issuing 'directions' to the censors and laying down censorship rules. The legislation did not provide any objective criteria for censoring films. The 1959 amendment, aimed at curing this defect, only incorporated the grounds contained in Article 19(2) of the Constitution. Even after expert studies and a significant decision by the Supreme Court, pointing out the inadequacy of the existing system, and governmental attempts to bring reforms by way of fresh directions, appointment of appellate authority and framing of new rules, the system still warrants radical change. The thesis explores them.
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This study proposes to verify the hypothesis relating to labour legislation in the industrial sector.Here there are as many as fifty enacments of the central government alone.These legislations indicating the growth of this branch of law over a period of more than half a centuary cover a wide spectrum of interests of workers both individuals and collective in different areas of employment.However this study relates mainly to a)trade unions act,b)industrial employment c)industrial disputes.
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The reforms in Indian banking sector since 1991 is deliberated mostly in terms of the significant measures that were implemented in order to develop a more vibrant, healthy, stable and efficient banking sector in India. The effect of a highly regulated banking environment on asset quality, productivity and performance of banks necessitated the reform process and resulted the incorporation of prudential norms for income recognition, asset classification and provisioning and capital adequacy norms, in line with international best practices. The improvements in asset quality and a reduction in non-performing assets were the primary objective enunciated in the reform measures. In this context, the present research critically evaluates the trend in movement of nonperforming assets of public sector banks in India during the period 2000-01 to 2011-12, thereby facilitates an evaluation of the effectiveness of NPA management in the post-millennium period. The non-performing assets is not a function of loan/advance alone, but is influenced by other bank performance indicators and also by the macroeconomic variables. In addition to explaining the trend in the movement of NPA, this research also explained the moderating and mediating role of various bank performance and macroeconomic indicators on incidence of NPA
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HINDI
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Nachdem sich in der Kolonialkrise von 1906 das Scheitern der ersten Periode deutscher Kolonialherrschaft (1885-1906) offenbarte, wurde Bernhard Dernburg die grundlegende Reorganisation der Kolonialpolitik anvertraut. Als Mann aus der Welt der Banken und Finanzen sollte er die stagnierende Entwicklung der Kolonien mit Hilfe von administrativen und wirtschaftlichen Reformmaßnahmen vorantreiben und gleichzeitig der indigenen Bevölkerung eine humane Behandlung zu garantieren. Um diese Ziele zu erreichen, verabschiedete er Reformen, die eine Rationalisierung und Humanisierung der Arbeiterpolitik vorsahen. Sowohl in der zeitgenössischen Literatur als auch in der aktuellen wissenschaftlichen Forschung wird der Amtsantritt Bernhard Dernburgs zum Leiter der Kolonialabteilung im Jahre 1906 als der „Beginn einer neuen humanen Ära“ deutscher Kolonialpolitik oder als „Wandel zum Besseren“ bezeichnet. Die Dissertation „Schwarzer Untertan versus Schwarzer Bruder. Bernhard Dernburgs Reformen in den Kolonien Deutsch-Ostafrika, Deutsch-Südwestafrika, Togo und Kamerun“ untersucht die Intention, Akzeptanz, Umsetzung und Auswirkung der reformatorischen Eingeborenenpolitik und klärt, ob die Beurteilung der Ära Dernburg (1906-1910) in der zeitgenössischen und aktuellen Forschung eine Berechtigung hat. Obwohl zumindest in der Theorie sein Konzept einer rationalen und humanen Kolonialpolitik sicherlich eine Abkehr von der bisher betriebenen Kolonialpolitik bedeutete, zeigt sich jedoch bei der Umsetzung der Reformen eine deutliche Diskrepanz zwischen Intention und Realität. Auch wenn zumindest die Bestrebung Dernburgs zur Verrechtlichung der indigenen Arbeitsverhältnisse gewürdigt werden sollte, so muss doch konstatiert werden, dass es in der „Ära Dernburg“ definitiv nicht zu einer grundlegenden Verbesserung der indigenen Lebenssituation in den deutschen Kolonien kam. Im Gegenteil, die Dernburgsche Reformpolitik beschleunigte vielmehr den Verelendungsprozess der indigenen Bevölkerung. In allen afrikanischen Kolonien verschlechterten sich mit der Intensivierung der Verwaltung die sozialen und menschlichen Beziehungen zwischen Afrikanern und Europäern. Vieles von dem, was Dernburg in seinem Programm propagierte, konnte nicht erreicht werden. Zwar führte Dernburg in Deutsch-Ostafrika, Deutsch-Südwestafrika und in Kamerun eine rechtlich bindende Arbeiterverordnung ein, jedoch unterschieden sich die Bestimmungen zum Teil erheblich voneinander, so dass von einer einheitlichen Modernisierung des kolonialen Arbeitsrechts nicht die Rede sein kann. Viele arbeitsrechtliche Bereiche, wie z.B. die Arbeiteranwerbung, Lohnzahlung, Minderjährigenschutz, Vertragsdauer, Arbeitszeit, Verpflegung und Unterkunft wurden nur unzureichend geregelt. Ähnlich negativ muss auch die Reformierung der Strafrechtspflege bewertet werden. Die Kodifizierung eines Eingeborenenstrafrechts scheiterte sowohl am Widerstand der lokalen Verwaltung als auch am Grundkonsens der Rechtmäßigkeit einer Rassenjustiz. Kolonialpolitik war auch in der „Ära Dernburg“ nichts anderes als „rohe Ausbeutungspolitik“, die zur Lösung der Arbeiterfrage beitragen sollte. Aber gerade hier, bei der Mobilisierung von afrikanischen Lohnarbeitern, war der Kolonialstaatssekretär nicht etwa mit einer „Arbeiterfürsorgepolitik“, sondern mit der Fortführung der Enteignungs- und Zwangsmaßnahmen erfolgreich gewesen. Insgesamt ist ein deutlicher Anstieg an afrikanischen Arbeitern in europäischen Unternehmen zu verzeichnen, was darauf schließen lässt, dass Dernburgs Verordnungen einen günstigen Einfluss auf die Arbeiterfrage ausgeübt haben. Obwohl nicht von einem grundlegenden Neuanfang der Kolonialpolitik gesprochen werden kann, sollte ebenso wenig bezweifelt werden, dass sich die deutsche Kolonialpolitik nicht unter Dernburg veränderte. Größere indigene Aufstände und Unruhen blieben aus, so dass während seiner Amtszeit eine systematische wirtschaftliche Erschließung der Kolonien beginnen konnte.
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Lateinische Schriftsteller im Original zu lesen, fällt vielen Schülerinnen und Schülern in der Lektürephase des Lateinunterrichts schwer. In der vorliegenden Dissertation wird untersucht, inwiefern gezielter Einsatz von Lernstrategien das Textverständnis verbessern kann. Strategisches Arbeiten mit Texten kann bereits zu einem sehr frühen Zeitpunkt in schriftbasierten Kulturen nachgewiesen werden. In dieser Arbeit werden Quellentexte aus der griechisch-römischen Antike und dem Mittelalter hinsichtlich texterschließender Strategien untersucht, systematisiert, kommentiert und im modernen Lateinunterricht eingesetzt. Dabei arbeiten die Schülerinnen und Schüler selbstgesteuert und forschend-entdeckend mit Reproduktionen antiker Papyri und Pergamente. Im Laufe des Unterrichtsprojektes, das ich CLAVIS, lat. für „Schlüssel“, nenne, lernen die Schüler im Zusammenhang mit Fachinhalten des Lateinunterrichts sechs antike Strategien der Texterschließung kennen. Diese Strategien werden heute noch genauso verwendet wie vor 2000 Jahren. Unter Berücksichtigung der Erkenntnisse der modernen Lernstrategieforschung wurden die Strategien ausgewählt, die als besonders effektive Maßnahmen zur Förderung von Textverständnis beurteilt werden, nämlich CONIUGATIO: Vorwissen aktivieren, LEGERE: mehrfaches und möglichst lautes Lesen, ACCIPERE: Hilfen annehmen, VERTERE: Übersetzen mit System, INTERROGARE: Fragen zulassen, SUMMA: Zusammenfassung erstellen. Ziel von CLAVIS ist es, Schülern ein Werkzeug zur systematischen Texterschließung an die Hand zu geben, das leicht zu merken ist und flexibel auf Texte jeder Art und jeder Sprache angewendet werden kann. Um die Effektivität des Unterrichtsprojektes CLAVIS zu überprüfen, wurde mit zwei parallel geführten 10. Klassen am Johann-Schöner-Gymnasium in Karlstadt im Schuljahr 2009/10 eine Vortest-Nachtest-Studie durchgeführt. Eine der Klassen wurde als Experimentalgruppe mit Intervention in Form von CLAVIS unterrichtet, die andere Klasse, die die Kontrollgruppe bildete, erhielt kein strategisches Training. Ein Fragebogen lieferte Informationen zur Vorgehensweise der Schüler bei der Textbearbeitung in Vortest und Nachtest (jeweils eine Übersetzung eines lateinischen Textes in identischem Schwierigkeitsgrad). Die Auswertung der Daten zeigte deutlich, dass Textverständnis und Übersetzungsfähigkeit sich bei denjenigen Schülern verbesserten, die die CLAVIS-Strategien im Nachtest angewendet hatten. Im Zusammenhang mit der Neugestaltung der Lehrpläne auf dem Hintergrund der Kompetenzorientierung ergeben sich für das Fach Latein neue Chancen, nicht nur inhaltlich wertvolle Zeugnisse der Antike zur allgemeinen, zweckfreien Persönlichkeitsbildung von Schülerinnen und Schülern einzusetzen, sondern gezielt Strategien zu vermitteln, die im Hinblick auf die in einer Informationsgesellschaft unverzichtbare Sprach- und Textkompetenz einen konkreten Nutzen haben.
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Since its beginning in 1999, the Bologna Process has influenced various aspects of higher education in its member countries, e.g., degree structures, mobility, lifelong learning, social dimension and quality assurance. The social dimension creates the focus of this research. The social dimension entered the Bologna Process agenda in 2001. Despite a decade of reforms, it somehow remained as a vague element and received low scholarly attention. This research addresses to this gap. Firstly, different meanings of the social dimension according to the major European policy actors are analysed. Unfolding the understandings of the actors revealed that the social dimension is mostly understood in terms reflecting the diversity of population on the student body accessing to, progressing in and completing higher education, with a special concern on the underrepresented groups. However, it is not possible to observe a similar commonality concerning the actual policy measures to achieve this goal. Divergence occurs with respect to the addressed underrepresented groups, i.e., all underrepresented groups or people without formal qualifications and mature learners, and the values and institutional interests traditionally promoted by these actors. Secondly, the dissertation discusses the reflection of this social dimension understanding at the national level by looking at cases of Finland, Germany and Turkey. The in-depth analyses show an awareness of the social dimension among most of the national Bologna Process actors and a common understanding of the social dimension goals. However, this understanding has not triggered action in any of the countries. The countries acted on areas which they defined problematic before the Bologna Process. Finally, based on these findings the dissertation discusses the social dimension as a policy item that managed to get into the Bologna Process agenda, but neither grew into an implementable policy, nor drop out of it. To this aim, it makes use of the multiple streams framework and explains the low agenda status social dimension with: i. the lack of a pressing problem definition: the lack of clearly defined indicators and a comprehensive monitoring system, ii. the lack of a viable solution alternative: the proposal of developing national strategies and action plans closed the way to develop generic guidelines for the social dimension to be translated into national policy processes, iii. low political perceptivity: the recent trends opt for increasing efficiency, excellence and exclusiveness discourses rather than ensuring equality and inclusiveness iv. high constraints: the social dimension by definition requires more public funding which is less appreciated and strategic constraints of the actors in allocating their resources v. the type of policy entrepreneur: the social dimension is promoted by an international stakeholder, the European Students’ Union, instead of the ministers responsible for higher education The social dimension remains a policy item in the Bologna Process which is noble enough to agree but not urgent enough to act on.
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This book investigates country-specific responses to privatisation by examining two of the most important Latin American examples of the 1990s, the Argentine and the Brazilian programmes, and one essential public service sector, electricity. In doing so, it aims to: identify the impact of privatisation on electricity sector employees in Argentina and Brazil during the 1990s; explore how the impact came about; and analyse the reasons for this impact. A multi-dimensional perspective provides a comparative analysis of privatisation processes, regulatory contexts, and results, striving to capture the phenomenon by combining insights from political and economic analysis.
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Almost all Latin American countries are still marked by extreme forms of social inequality – and to an extent, this seems to be the case regardless of national differences in the economic development model or the strength of democracy and the welfare state. Recent research highlights the fact that the heterogeneous labour markets in the region are a key source of inequality. At the same time, there is a strengthening of ‘exclusive’ social policy, which is located at the fault lines of the labour market and is constantly (re-)producing market-mediated disparities. In the last three decades, this type of social policy has even enjoyed democratic legitimacy. These dynamics challenge many of the assumptions guiding social policy and democratic theory, which often attempt to account for the specificities of the region by highlighting the purported flaws of certain policies. We suggest taking a different perspective: social policy in Latin American should not be grasped as a deficient or flawed type of social policy, but as a very successful relation of political domination. ‘Relational social analysis’ locates social policy in the ‘tension zone’ constituted by the requirements of economic reproduction, demands for democratic legitimacy and the relative autonomy of the state. From this vantage point, we will make the relation of domination in question accessible for empirical research. It seems particularly useful for this purpose to examine the recent shifts in the Latin American labour markets, which have undergone numerous reforms. We will examine which mechanisms, institutions and constellations of actors block or activate the potentials of redistribution inherent in such processes of political reform. This will enable us to explore the socio-political field of forces that has been perpetuating the social inequalities in Latin America for generations.