899 resultados para Presidential election
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The impact of the global financial crisis has been particularly severe in Ireland, and the 2008-14 period has been one defined by considerable state retrenchment. It has, however, also given rise to a period of unprecedented public service reform, and particularly following the election of a government with a strong reforming mandate in 2011. In this paper, the context and content of the reforms are examined along institutional, financial and politico-administrative dimensions respectively. A final section discusses the politics of reform in a time of crisis.
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Recent studies show the effects of electoral systems and ethnic cleavages on the number of parties in emerging democracies differ from those effects observed in more established democracies. Building on recent arguments maintaining the quality of democracy improves with experience, we argue the reason for the differences in the findings between established and emerging democracies is that the effects of these variables on the number of parties differ according to a country’s experience with elections. To test this argument, we analyse party system fragmentation in 89 established and emerging democracies and the conditioning effects experience with elections have on the effects of district magnitude, ethnic cleavages, and variables relating to the presidential party system. The results show the effects of institutional and social cleavage variables differ substantially between emerging and established democracies, but these effects begin to approximate those seen in more established democracies with additional experience with elections.
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I elaborate a model of cross-bloc party support in deeply divided places. The model expects that the variation in the level of electoral support that citizens in Community A have for parties in Community B is a function of citizens' evaluations of the relative ability of parties in Community B to represent the interests of all communities. This 'ethnic catch-all' model of cross-bloc party support is tested in the context of consociational Northern Ireland, using data from a representative survey conducted directly after the 2010 Westminster general election. The findings are asymmetric: the model explains Protestant support for nationalist parties but not Catholic support for unionist parties. The findings, and their implications, are discussed.
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Consociational institutional arrangements in deeply divided societies are often criticised for cementing the underlying conflict cleavage, encouraging the continued dominance of conflict-based party competition and voter behaviour and prohibiting the emergence of 'normal' (that is, non-conflict-based) dimensions of political competition. However, drawing on evidence from a post-election survey at the 2009 Northern Ireland election to the European Parliament, I find that EU issues determined intra-bloc vote choice (at least in the nationalist community). This suggests that there is potential for regional integration projects, such as the EU, to contribute to the normalisation of politics in a consociational system by acting as the source of an externally generated dimension of political competition. © 2012 Macmillan Publishers Ltd.
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The growth mechanism of epitaxial BaTiO3 films on vicinal Nb-doped SrTiO3 (srTiO(3):Nb) (001) substrate surfaces was studied in terms of surface morphology, crystalline orientation, microstructure, and film/substrate interface. Well-oriented BaTiO3 thin films were grown on SrTiO3 substrates with well-defined terraces by pulsed laser deposition. The regularly terraced TiO2-terminated surfaces of vicinal SrTiO3:Nb (001) substrates were prepared by a definite chemical and thermal treatment. Under our conditions, BaTiO3 seems to grow with a layer-then-island (Stranski-Krastanov) growth mechanism. In order to investigate the orientation and crystallinity of the BaTiO3 films, x-ray diffraction and high-resolution transmission election microscopy were performed. Ferroelectricity of the BaTiO3 films was proved by electrical measurements performed on Pt/BaTiO3/SrTiO3:Nb heterostructures.
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This third edition of Conflicts in the Middle East since 1945 analyzes the nature of conflict in the Middle East, with its racial, ethnic, political, cultural, religious and economic factors. Throughout the book Peter Hinchcliffe and Beverley Milton-Edwards put the main conflicts into their wider context, with thematic debates on issues such as the emergence of radical Islam, the resolution of conflicts, diplomacy and peace-making, and the role of the superpowers.
The book is brought fully up to date with events in the Middle East, covering, for instance, developments in Iraq in 2006 where a democratically elected government is in place but the insurgency show no sign of coming under control. The analysis of the Palestinian/Israeli conflict is also brought up to the present day, to include the election of the Hamas government and the 2006 conflict between Israel and Lebanon’s Hizballah.
Including a newly updated bibliography and maps of the area, this is the perfect introduction for all students wishing to understand the complex situation in the Middle East, in its historical context.
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This article examines the nature of gender politics in Northern Ireland since the 1998 Good Friday/Belfast Agreement. Taking gender justice as a normative democratic framework, the article argues that despite the promise of women's equal participation in public and political life written into the Agreement, parties have delivered varied responses to integrating women, women's interests and perspectives into politics and policy platforms. This contrasts with general patterns supporting women's increased participation in social and political life. The article discusses women's descriptive and substantive representation through electoral outcomes and party manifestos, using the demands of successive women's manifestos as a benchmark. It concludes that while parties have given less recognition and inclusion to women than one might have expected in a new political context, the push for democratic accountability will ensure that gender politics will continue to have a place on the political agenda for some time to come.
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In July 2012, legislation on political party funding and candidate gender quotas was enacted by the Irish Parliament. The Electoral (Amendment) (Political Funding) Act 2012 provides for a 30% gender quota for party candidates at the next general election, rising to 40% seven years thereafter. Non-compliant parties will lose half of their annual state funding. Informed by insights from feminist institutionalism, this paper will consider the question: why did Irish political parties, who have always been so reluctant to tackle the question of women’s under-representation, suddenly do a volte-face and introduce such a radical measure as legislative gender quotas? In answering this question, we argue that the political reform discourse that emerged following the recent Irish economic crisis was a significant factor in the adoption of legislative gender quotas in the Republic of Ireland. It signified, and made visible, the divergence between politicians and the public on the issue in a context where political representatives were under question, and political institutions being criticised, for ineffective political management. We contend that Ireland is an example of how apparently enduring and immutable gender norms can be overcome. We suggest that feminist institutionalism enables an unpacking of the messy complexities of institutional resistance to change and reveals the power of informal institutions to shape outcomes leading to a major formal rule change.
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Motivated by the need for designing efficient and robust fully-distributed computation in highly dynamic networks such as Peer-to-Peer (P2P) networks, we study distributed protocols for constructing and maintaining dynamic network topologies with good expansion properties. Our goal is to maintain a sparse (bounded degree) expander topology despite heavy {\em churn} (i.e., nodes joining and leaving the network continuously over time). We assume that the churn is controlled by an adversary that has complete knowledge and control of what nodes join and leave and at what time and has unlimited computational power, but is oblivious to the random choices made by the algorithm. Our main contribution is a randomized distributed protocol that guarantees with high probability the maintenance of a {\em constant} degree graph with {\em high expansion} even under {\em continuous high adversarial} churn. Our protocol can tolerate a churn rate of up to $O(n/\poly\log(n))$ per round (where $n$ is the stable network size). Our protocol is efficient, lightweight, and scalable, and it incurs only $O(\poly\log(n))$ overhead for topology maintenance: only polylogarithmic (in $n$) bits needs to be processed and sent by each node per round and any node's computation cost per round is also polylogarithmic. The given protocol is a fundamental ingredient that is needed for the design of efficient fully-distributed algorithms for solving fundamental distributed computing problems such as agreement, leader election, search, and storage in highly dynamic P2P networks and enables fast and scalable algorithms for these problems that can tolerate a large amount of churn.
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The local government elections of 22 May 2014 in Northern Ireland were the first to be held under revised district boundaries, with 11 'super councils' replacing the 26-council model used since 1973. Despite the structural reform, little changed in terms of political party support. Although they suffered some losses, the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin remained firmly entrenched as the two dominant players at local government level in Northern Ireland. The Ulster Unionist Party enjoyed only a marginal increase in its vote share, while the Social Democratic and Labour Party recorded one of the worst electoral performances in its history. Elsewhere, the Traditional Unionist Voice enjoyed a 'breakthrough' election and the Alliance Party defied widely held predictions that it would suffer at the polls as a result of its role in the Union flag crisis. The campaign was overshadowed by both the concurrent European Parliament contest and several crises of power-sharing at Stormont. As a result, distinctly local government issues received scant and fleeting attention. The contest saw the lowest local election turnout in Northern Ireland's history, continuing a general trend of increasing voter apathy in the province.
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Face aos princípios orientadores do New Public Management a política orçamental, continuando a ser primordial na avaliação do desempenho do gestor público, deixou de ser o seu único meio de avaliação, constituindo a informação proporcionada pela contabilidade financeira uma ferramenta essencial para aferir a racionalidade, a economia, a eficiência e a eficácia da aplicação dos recursos na satisfação das necessidades dos cidadãos/eleitores. O presente trabalho de investigação tem como objectivo proporcionar conhecimento acerca dos incentivos que podem motivar o gestor autárquico à prática da gestão dos resultados bem como identificar os procedimentos contabilísticos utilizados para essa gestão. O trabalho desenvolvido assentou em pressupostos das teorias da agência e da escolha pública que permitiram formular as hipóteses a testar no estudo empírico. Os resultados obtidos confirmam o pressuposto fundamental de ambas as teorias: na presença de uma relação de agência em que existem conflitos de interesse entre o gestor e o principal, o gestor procura actuar oportunisticamente no seu interesse próprio, maximizando o seu bem-estar. Confirmam, igualmente, que numa perspectiva de sinalização de desempenho e competência, com vista à reeleição, o autarca procede à gestão dos resultados tendo como objectivo evitar divulgar resultados negativos e procurar divulgar resultados positivos próximos de zero num nível que não seja considerado excessivo por parte, nomeadamente, do cidadão, dos grupos de interesse e dos partidos políticos.
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Esta dissertação descreve o processo de integração dos matemáticos portugueses na comunidade matemática internacional no final do século XIX e início do século XX, focando-se na vida e obra do matemático Francisco Gomes Teixeira (1851-1933). Tenciona a ser mais um contributo para o reconhecimento nacional e internacional do matemático Gomes Teixeira analisando a sua obra como matemático e organizador científico em Portugal através de fontes, parcialmente ainda não conhecidas. Para esse efeito analisou-se a evolução histórica que ocorreu no mundo científico daquela época, em particular a formação da comunidade matemática através de iniciativas individuais ou coletivas, muitas vezes acompanhadas pela fundação de revistas e elaboração de manuais que contribuíram para a internacionalização e, de certa forma, para uma estandardização do estudo universitário básico. Em particular foi estudada a situação em Portugal, onde o papel de liderança foi assumido por Gomes Teixeira. Mostra-se como Gomes Teixeira, graças ao seu trabalho, ao seu talento como matemático e à sua atividade como organizador académico, conseguiu reduzir significativamente o isolamento científico de Portugal na área da matemática. Estudou-se em extensão a fundação de revistas científicas em diferentes países, acompanhando a sua evolução desde de revistas nacionais até revistas internacionais. Focando-nos no Jornal de Sciencias Matemáticas e Astronómicas, fundado em 1877 por Gomes Teixeira (mais tarde conhecido internacionalmente como Teixeira’s Journal), acompanhamos detalhadamente a sua transformação de uma revista nacional numa revista internacional, sendo esta transformação comum naquela época à maioria de revistas científicas importantes de outros países como, por exemplo, no caso do Jornal de Crelle, do Jornal de Liouville, ou outros. Estudou-se igualmente o reconhecimento a nível internacional, através de referências estrangeiras, da abordagem original de Gomes Teixeira à Análise Infinitesimal patente nos seus manuais. O interesse de Gomes Teixeira pela teoria das funções analíticas e pelos seus diferentes desenvolvimentos em série manifestou-se no grande número de artigos publicados sobre este tema e encontrou reconhecimento justo pela designação de um teorema que completa resultados de Lagrange e de Laurent como Teorema de Teixeira. Na sua análise do mérito científico de Gomes Teixeira esta dissertação restringiu-se conscientemente nesta área da Análise Matemática, uma vez que um estudo abrangente de toda a obra ultrapassasse o nosso objetivo. Foi também discutido o intenso intercâmbio científico levado a cabo por Gomes Teixeira através de correspondência e troca de publicações ou permuta de revistas com os matemáticos de diferentes países. Esta análise permitiu verificar um aumento da popularidade dos matemáticos portugueses através do incremento do número de artigos publicados no estrangeiro durante quase 30 anos. Uma fonte imprescindível nesta análise foi o Jahrbuch über die Fortschritte der Mathematik, cujas referências (em geral na língua alemã e por isso até agora quase nunca usadas na literatura Portuguesa) documentaram as publicações em quase todas as revistas matemáticas durante os anos da sua existência entre 1868 e 1942. Descreve-se a colaboração de Gomes Teixeira com diferentes organizações internacionais e documenta-se o apreço internacional por parte do mundo académico. Novos documentos traçam o processo de eleição como membro da Academia das Ciências Alemã Leopoldina, sob proposta de Georg Cantor e outros matemáticos alemães. Finalmente, incluí-se uma breve descrição das atividades levadas a cabo na Rússia, em Espanha e na Grécia em prol do processo de internacionalização da comunidade matemática europeia tendo em vista uma melhor contextualização do contributo de Gomes Teixeira para a integração de Portugal neste processo.
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Since its foundation, militant democratic arguments have underpinned an enforced secularism in Turkey. The 2002 election of the AKP, described as a “moderate Islamist party”, has challenged Turkey’s secular identity. In the more than twelve years since the AKP has been in power, Turkey’s political landscape has experienced significant changes, with periods of extensive democratic reforms punctuated by regression in certain areas, notably freedom of expression and the right to protest. State repressive measures coupled with Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s reluctance to exit the political stage have been the focus of much commentary and analysis. This article argues, however, that under AKP rule the Kurdish issue – critical to ensuring the normalization of politics and democratization in Turkey – has been brought in from the political cold and assesses the creation and role of the HDP (Halkların Demokratik Partisi), a Kurdish political party that is endeavoring to situate itself in the mainstream of Turkey’s political landscape. We posit that the HDP can be viewed as the offspring of this “democratic opening,” a project that was meant to ensure a radical transformation of the Kurdish issue in Turkey. Through analysing the historical trajectory of both AKP and HDP and the militant democratic arguments that led to their predecessors’ exclusion from the public sphere, this article engages with the key question of the extent to which the AKP’s treatment of the Kurdish issue has provided a vehicle for broader democratisation and facilitated a reconsideration of the Kurdish question in Turkey.
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This executive order by Governor Carroll A Campbell, Jr. orders an election be held in Woodford to elect a new city council member.