991 resultados para Part songs, Italian


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Esta tese relata o meu encontro com um grupo de idosos em um projeto denominado Conversas & Memórias, e a experiência comunitária ali produzida. O objetivo central foi analisar de que forma os dispositivos utilizados na intervenção ajudaram na construção dessa experiência. Partindo de um campo de problematização que coloca em questão as possibilidades de vivermos juntos, busquei responder às seguintes perguntas: de que forma a vida coletiva nos contagia e nos constitui? que apostas podemos arriscar que nos permitam afirmar a possibilidade de construirmos experiências comunitárias no mundo de hoje? quais práticas de cuidado de si e de cuidado do outro podemos encontrar (ou inventar) em nossa cultura? como essas práticas podem produzir, como efeito, experiências de vida comunitária? como podemos viver juntos? Foi em torno dessas questões que desenvolvi o trabalho em dois campos distintos, visando à construção, por um lado, de um solo teórico-conceitual, e, por outro, de um plano prático-experimental. Na primeira parte desta tese, apresento os conceitos e intercessores que fundamentam as ideias aqui defendidas. Começo discutindo o processo de subjetivação, em um diálogo com o pensamento de Gilles Deleuze, Gilbert Simondon e Baruch Espinosa, e termino apresentando as apostas de Gilles Deleuze e Felix Guattari, Antonio Negri e Michael Hardt, Maurice Blanchot, Giorgio Agamben e Jean-Luc Nancy em uma comunidade por vir. Em seguida, apresento minhas próprias apostas, fundamentadas no diálogo de Michel Foucault com a filosofia antiga sobre as práticas de si e a construção de um novo ethos, desenhado por uma estética da existência. Descrevo, em outro capítulo, o método da pesquisa, partindo de uma discussão sobre a cartografia e as possibilidades que ela ofereceu para que eu pudesse acompanhar processos e habitar o território da pesquisa; discuto, ainda, o conceito de dispositivo e os efeitos que são produzidos ao desembaraçarem-se suas linhas; por fim, descrevo o material que utilizei nas análises da experiência do projeto. Na segunda parte da tese, arrisco-me em um campo prático-experimental, dando movimento aos conceitos discutidos anteriormente e incorporando-os à discussão dos quatro dispositivos que examino aqui. No primeiro, a Roda de Conversação e os efeitos, como o exercício ético e político, que essa prática anuncia. No segundo dispositivo, os Agenciamentos, apresento as poesias, músicas, crônicas, passeios que foram utilizados como disparadores das conversas, analisando os diálogos e as virtualidades produzidos por eles. No dispositivo três, a Experiência Narrativa, descrevo o processo de publicação de um livro com as histórias de alguns participantes do projeto. No quarto dispositivo, a Imagem Revelada, descrevo os efeitos provocados pelas imagens publicadas em um livro de fotografias. O último capítulo retoma a pergunta inicial - como viver junto? -, e oferece algumas pistas sobre as possibilidades de construirmos uma outra forma de sociabilidade nos dias de hoje.

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This contribution is the first part of a four-part series documenting the development of B:RUN, a software program which reads data for common spreadsheets and presents them as low-resolution maps of slates and processes. The program emerged from a need which arose during a project in Brunei Darussalam for a 'low level' approach for researchers to communicate findings as efficiently and expeditiously as possible. Part I provides a overview of the concept and design elements of B:RUN. Part II will highlight results of the economics components of the program evaluating different fishing regimes, sailing distances from ports and fleet operating costs. Environmental aspects will be presented in Part III in the form of overlay maps. Part IV will summarize the implications of B:RUN results to coastal and fishery resources management in Brunei Darussalam and show how this approach can be adapted to other coastlines and used as a teaching and training tool. The following three parts will be published in future editions of Naga, the ICLARM Quarterly. The program is available through ICLARM.

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The simple model relating food conversion efficiency (K sub(1)) to body weight derived from the theoretical concepts behind von Bertalanffy's growth model, is extended here in the context of Pauly's generalization of that model. The exponent, which was fixed to 1/3 in the simple model, is in the extended model equivalent to 1-d, with d being the weight exponent of the anabolism term in Pauly's growth model. This makes the model applicable to fish for which the assumptions of the original (special) version of von Bertalanffy's growth model are violated.

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The northern quahog, Mercenaria mercenaria, ranges along the Atlantic Coast of North America from the Canadian Maritimes to Florida, while the southern quahog, M. campechiensis, ranges mostly from Florida to southern Mexico. The northern quahog was fished by native North Americans during prehistoric periods. They used the meats as food and the shells as scrapers and as utensils. The European colonists copied the Indians treading method, and they also used short rakes for harvesting quahogs. The Indians of southern New England and Long Island, N.Y., made wampum from quahog shells, used it for ornaments and sold it to the colonists, who, in turn, traded it to other Indians for furs. During the late 1600’s, 1700’s, and 1800’s, wampum was made in small factories for eventual trading with Indians farther west for furs. The quahoging industry has provided people in many coastal communities with a means of earning a livelihood and has given consumers a tasty, wholesome food whether eaten raw, steamed, cooked in chowders, or as stuffed quahogs. More than a dozen methods and types of gear have been used in the last two centuries for harvesting quahogs. They include treading and using various types of rakes and dredges, both of which have undergone continuous improvements in design. Modern dredges are equipped with hydraulic jets and one type has an escalator to bring the quahogs continuously to the boats. In the early 1900’s, most provinces and states established regulations to conserve and maximize yields of their quahog stocks. They include a minimum size, now almost universally a 38-mm shell width, and can include gear limitations and daily quotas. The United States produces far more quahogs than either Canada or Mexico. The leading producer in Canada is Prince Edward Island. In the United States, New York, New Jersey, and Rhode Island lead in quahog production in the north, while Virginia and North Carolina lead in the south. Connecticut and Florida were large producers in the 1990’s. The State of Tabasco leads in Mexican production. In the northeastern United States, the bays with large openings, and thus large exchanges of bay waters with ocean waters, have much larger stocks of quahogs and fisheries than bays with small openings and water exchanges. Quahog stocks in certified beds have been enhanced by transplanting stocks to them from stocks in uncertified waters and by planting seed grown in hatcheries, which grew in number from Massachusetts to Florida in the 1980’s and 1990’s.

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The northern quahog, Mercenaria mercenaria, ranges along the Atlantic Coast of North America from the Canadian Maritimes to Florida, while the southern quahog, M. campechiensis, ranges mostly from Florida to southern Mexico. The northern quahog was fished by native North Americans during prehistoric periods. They used the meats as food and the shells as scrapers and as utensils. The European colonists copied the Indians treading method, and they also used short rakes for harvesting quahogs. The Indians of southern New England made wampum from quahog shells, used it for ornaments and sold it to the colonists, who, in turn, traded it to other Indians for furs. During the late 1600’s, 1700’s, and 1800’s, wampum was made in small factories for eventual trading with Indians farther west for furs. The quahoging industry has provided people in many coastal communities with a means of earning a livelihood and has provided consumers with a tasty, wholesome food whether eaten raw, steamed, cooked in chowders, or as stuffed quahogs. More than a dozen methods and types of gear have been used in the last two centuries for harvesting quahogs. They include treading and using various types of rakes and dredges, both of which have undergone continuous improvements in design. Modern dredges are equipped with hydraulic jets and one type has an escalator to bring the quahogs continuously to the boats. In the early 1900’s, most provinces and states established regulations to conserve and maximize yields of their quahog stocks. They include a minimum size, now almost universally a 38-mm shell width, and can include gear limitations and daily quotas. The United States produces far more quahogs than either Canada or Mexico. The leading producer in Canada is Prince Edward Island. In the United States, New York, New Jersey, and Rhode Island lead in quahog production in the north, while Virginia and North Carolina lead in the south. Connecticut and Florida were large producers in the 1990’s. The State of Campeche leads in Mexican production. In the northeastern United States, the bays with large openings, and thus large exchanges of bay waters with ocean waters, have much larger stocks of quahogs and fisheries than bays with small openings and water exchanges. Quahog stocks in certifi ed beds have been enhanced by transplanting stocks to them from stocks in uncertified waters and by planting seed grown in hatcheries, which grew in number from Massachusetts to Florida in the 1980’s and 1990’s.