947 resultados para Normative pedagogics
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The 2005 French and Dutch negative votes on the Constitution open up a space of conceptualisation, not only of Europe's relation to its demos, but significantly to its failures. Through a critical analysis of mainly Niklas Luhmann's systems theory, the article proposes taking a distance from traditional constitutional dogmatics that are no longer capable of dealing with the paradox of contemporary society, and more specifically with the eventual resurgence of the European project as one of absence and stasis: the two terms are used to explain the need, on the one hand, to maintain the 'absent community' of Europe, and, on the other, to start realising that any conceptualisation of the European project will now have to take place in that space of instability and contingency revealed by the constitutional failure. The relation between law and politics, the location of a constitution, the distinction between social and normative legitimacy, the connection between European identity and demos, and the concept of continuity between constitutional text and context are revisited in an attempt to trace the constitutional failure as the constitutional moment par excellence.
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In democratic polities, constitutional equilibria or balances of power between the executive and the legislature shift over time. Normative and empirical political theorists have long recognised that war, civil unrest, economic and political crises, terrorist attacks, and other events strengthen the power of the executive, disrupt and threaten constitutional politics, and damage democratic institutions: crises require swift action and executives are thought to be more capable than parliaments and legislatures of taking such actions. The terrorist attacks on New York and Washington on 11 September 2001 and the ensuing so-called 'war on terror' declared by President Bush clearly constituted a crisis, not only in the United States but also in other political systems, in part because of the US's hegemonic position in defining and shaping many other states' foreign and domestic policies. Dicey, Schmitt, and Rossiter suggest that critical events and political crises inevitably trigger the concentration of (emergency) powers in the hands of the executive. Aristotle and Machiavelli questioned the inevitability of this process. This article and the articles that follow in this Special Issue utilise empirical evidence, through the use of case studies of the United States, the United Kingdom, Russia, Australia, Israel, Italy and Indonesia, to address this debate. Specifically, the issue explores to what extent the external shock or crisis of 9/11 (and other terrorist attacks) and the ensuing 'war on terror' significantly changed the balance of executive-legislative relations from t (before the crisis) to t+1 (after the crisis) in these political systems, all of which were the targets of actual or foiled terrorist attacks. The most significant findings are that the shock of 9/11 and the 'war on terror' elicited varied responses by national executives and legislatures/parliaments and thus the balance of executive-legislative relations in different political systems; that, therefore, executive-legislative relations are positive rather than zero-sum; and that domestic political contexts conditioned these institutional responses.
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While spatial justice could be the most radical offspring of law’s recent spatial turn, it remains instead a geographically informed version of social justice. The majority of the existing literature on the subject has made some politically facile assumptions about space, justice and law, thereby subsuming the potentially radical into the banal. In this article, I suggest that the concept of spatial justice is the most promising platform on which to redefine, not only the connection between law and geography, but more importantly, the conceptual foundations of both law and space. More concretely, the article attempts two things: first, a radical understanding of legal spatiality. Space is not just another parameter for law, a background against which law takes place, or a process that the law needs to take into consideration. Space is intertwined with normative production in ways that law often fails to acknowledge, and part of this article is a re-articulation of the connection. Second, to suggest a conception of spatial justice that derives from a spatial law. Such a conception cannot rely on given concepts of distributive or social justice. Instead, the concept of spatial justice put forth here is informed by post-structural, feminist, post-ecological and other radical understandings of emplacement and justice, as well as arguably the most spatial of philosophical discourses, that of Deleuze–Guattari and the prescribed possibilities of space as manifold.
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To what extent are democratic institutions resilient when nation states mobilise for war? Normative and empirical political theorists have long argued that wars strengthen the executive and threaten constitutional politics. In modern democracies, national assemblies are supposed to hold the executive to account by demanding explanations for events and policies; and by scrutinising, reviewing and, if necessary, revising legislative proposals intended to be binding on the host society or policies that have been implemented already. This article examines the extent to which the British and Australian parliaments and the United States Congress held their wartime executives to account during World War II. The research finds that under conditions approaching those of total war, these democratic institutions not only continued to exist, but also proved to be resilient in representing public concerns and holding their executives to account, however imperfectly and notwithstanding delegating huge powers. In consequence, executives—more so British and Australian ministers than President Roosevelt—were required to be placatory as institutional and political tensions within national assemblies and between assemblies and executives continued, and assemblies often asserted themselves. In short, even under the most onerous wartime conditions, democratic politics mattered and democratic institutions were resilient.
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In the build up to general elections there is invariably a wealth of discourse on constitutional and transitional issues and even on the efficiency and cost-effectiveness of the civil service, but rarely is there any debate on the manner in which politicians manage the government machine. This article seeks to address this deficiency. It examines the operational factors common to the core executive, assesses the problems usually associated with the government as an organization and reviews alternative solutions. Finally, it offers managerially oriented advice, reasoning that it is the role of policy analysts to prescribe and that it is irresponsible to ignore this function. it is clearly emphasized that management solutions are not synonymous with business solutions. The article draws on universal principles of management, seeking to avoid normative suggestions and concentrating instead on practical considerations. Those considerations include personnel selection, collective responsibility, leadership style, organizational structure and team mentality. The conclusion is that strong managerially based leadership should not be dismissed as incompatible with the political constraints placed upon Prime Ministers but rather it should e the predominant impulse.
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Institutional and political economy approaches have long dominated the study of post-Communist public broadcasting, as well as the entire body of post-Communist media transformations research, and the enquiry into publics of public broadcasting has traditionally been neglected. Though media scholars like to talk about a deep crisis in the relationship between public broadcasters and their publics in former Communist bloc countries across Central and Eastern Europe, little has been done to understand the relationship between public broadcasters and their publics in these societies drawing on qualitative audience research tradition. Building on Hirschman’s influential theory of ‘exit, voice and loyalty’, which made it possible to see viewing choices audiences make as an act of agency, in combination with theoretical tools developed within the framework of social constructionist approaches to national imagination and broadcasting, my study focuses on the investigation of responses publics of the Latvian public television LTV have developed vis-à-vis its role as contributing to the nation-building project in this ex-Soviet Baltic country. With the help of focus groups methodology and family ethnography, the thesis aims to explore the relationship between the way members of the ethno-linguistic majority of Latvian-speakers and the sizeable ethno-linguistic minority of Russian-speakers conceptualize the public broadcaster LTV, as well as understand the concept of public broadcasting more generally, and the way they define the national ‘we’. The study concludes that what I call publics of LTV employ Hirschman’s described exit mechanism as a voice-type response. Through their rejection of public television which, for a number of complex reasons they consider to be a state broadcaster serving the interests of those in power they voice their protest against the country’s political establishment and in the case of its Russian-speaking publics also against the government’s ethno-nationalistic conception of the national ‘we’. I also find that though having exited from the public broadcaster LTV, its publics have not abandoned the idea of public broadcasting as such. At least at a normative level the public broadcasting ideals are recognized, accepted and valued, though they are not necessarily associated with the country’s de jure institutional embodiment of public broadcasting LTV. Rejection of the public television has also not made its non-loyal publics ‘less citizens’. The commercial rivals of LTV, be they national or, in the case of Russian-speaking audiences, localized transnational Russian television, have allowed their viewers to exercise citizenship and be loyal nationals day in day out in a way that is more liberal and flexible than the hegemonic form of citizenship and national imagination of the public television LTV can offer.
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Over the last 15 years, the acceleration in media consolidation has presented a series of policy challenges around diversity of editorial output. While policy debates on national ownership limits and other regulatory interventions are important, developments at the local level are often marginalised. And yet, the direction of travel—towards more consolidation and more deregulation—has arguably been more debilitating for democracy at the local level, where the vast majority of citizens interact with hospitals, schools, transport systems and local councils. The decline of local media—including, in some towns, the wholesale disappearance of local newspapers—leaves citizens starved of information and local institutions less accountable. This article uses an existing conceptual framework for assessing whether and how journalism makes a real-life contribution to democratic life at the local level. Against this normative framework, it then assesses the contribution of hyperlocal media sites to local democracy. We present findings from the most extensive survey of the hyperlocal sector to date, a collaboration with research partners at Cardiff and Birmingham City Universities and Talk About Local, which analysed online questionnaires from over 180 local online media initiatives. Our research offers a unique insight into the funding, operational problems and sustainability of community media sites, and suggests they have the potential to fulfil a vital democratic and civic role. These data inform our conclusions and recommendations for policy initiatives that would invigorate hyperlocal sites and therefore provide a real alternative for otherwise democratically impoverished local communities.
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Managerial discretion is the focal theme bridging the clash between two schools of thoughts; whether executives have greater influence on their firms’ outcomes or other factors restrain their actions (Hambrick & Finkelstein, 1987). It is argued that constraints come from inertial, normative and environmental forces (e.g. DiMaggio & Powell, 1983). Of these restraints is the institutional environment in which a firm is headquartered. Our paper falls within this research stream and provides an extension for Crossland and Hambrick (2007, 2011) work. We investigate the national level of discretion in new cross-cultural contexts, provide deeper understanding of its concept, and shed the light on undiscovered discretion’s antecedents and consequences. We adopt a quantitative approach in which questionnaires represent our data collection instrument. We anticipate that in high discretion countries firms tend to follow what Miles & Snow (1978) labeled ‘Prospector’ strategy as opposed to low discretion countries in which firms incline to implement a ‘Defender’ strategy.
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This piece is a short rejoinder to César Bolaño’s paper The Political Economy of the Internet and related articles (e.g., Comor, Foley, Huws, Reveley, Rigi and Prey, Robinson) that center around the relevance of Marx’s labor theory of value for understanding social media. I argue that Dallas Smythe’s assessment of advertising was made to distinguish his approach from the one by Baran and Sweezy. Smythe developed the idea of capital’s exploitation of the audience at a time when both feminist and anti-imperialist Marxists challenged the orthodox idea that only white factory workers are exploited. The crucial question is how to conceptualize productive labor. This is a theoretical, normative, and political question. A mathematical example shows the importance of the “crowdsourcing” of value-production on Facebook. I also point out parallels of the contemporary debate to the Soviet question of who is a productive or unproductive worker in the Material Product System.
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A Organização Mundial de Saúde estima que nos países mais industrializados uma em cada três pessoas sofra, por ano, de uma doença de origem alimentar. De acordo com os dados da Agência Europeia para a Segurança Alimentar foram relatados pelos 27 Estados Membros da União Europeia, no ano 2012, um total de 5.363 surtos de origem alimentar, assistindo-se a uma prevalência do setor da restauração, como o local de maior ocorrência dos surtos de doenças de origem alimentar. Para o mesmo ano, Portugal reportou 7 surtos de origem alimentar, envolvendo 135 pessoas com 42 hospitalizações. Neste contexto, a aplicação de boas práticas de higiene, nomeadamente no setor da restauração, é essencial para proteger o consumidor das doenças de origem alimentar. Neste estudo, pretendeu-se identificar os constructos do modelo da Teoria do Comportamento Planeado (Theory of Planned Behaviour – TPB, segundo a terminologia anglo-saxónica), de Icek Ajzen, que melhor explicam a intenção dos operadores de alimentos em adotarem os comportamentos de higiene, a saber: i) utilização de luvas e touca de proteção de cabelos, e ii) remoção de adornos pessoais, durante a manipulação de alimentos. Para o efeito, foi aplicado um questionário tendo por base a Teoria do Comportamento Planeado, a uma amostra de cento e vinte e três operadores dos vários refeitórios de uma universidade portuguesa, na sua grande maioria do sexo feminino (91,1%) e que manipulam alimentos numa base diária, recorrendo-se primeiramente a uma fase preliminar de estudo qualitativo, ou pré-inquérito, para melhor selecionar os temas essenciais e as principais categorias a considerar na construção deste inquérito. Os inquéritos foram tratados estatisticamente recorrendo-se à estatística descritiva, à análise fatorial e avaliação da consistência interna dos fatores resultantes, seguido da aplicação de regressão linear e metodologia de análise de trajetórias (path modeling) com vista à validação do TPB. Os resultados obtidos apontam para o fato de a Atitude ser o melhor preditor da Intenção em adotar os comportamentos em estudo. Verificou-se também que a motivação de cumprir resulta da pressão exercida pelos superiores hierárquicos ou colegas, influenciando positivamente a intenção, na medida em que as crenças normativas assumiram-se como sendo o segundo preditor que melhor previu a intenção.
NCRF Nº 1 - estrutura e conteúdos das demosntrações financeiras e implicações fiscais e em auditoria
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Dissertação apresentada ao Instituto obtenção do grau de Mestre em Auditoria orientador: Dr. Rodrigo Mário de Oliveira Carvalho
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Currently, Power Systems (PS) already accommodate a substantial penetration of DG and operate in competitive environments. In the future PS will have to deal with largescale integration of DG and other distributed energy resources (DER), such as storage means, and provide to market agents the means to ensure a flexible and secure operation. This cannot be done with the traditional PS operation. SCADA (Supervisory Control and Data Acquisition) is a vital infrastructure for PS. Current SCADA adaptation to accommodate the new needs of future PS does not allow to address all the requirements. In this paper we present a new conceptual design of an intelligent SCADA, with a more decentralized, flexible, and intelligent approach, adaptive to the context (context awareness). Once a situation is characterized, data and control options available to each entity are re-defined according to this context, taking into account operation normative and a priori established contracts. The paper includes a case-study of using future SCADA features to use DER to deal with incident situations, preventing blackouts.
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A Obesidade é considerada um grave problema de saúde pública, com consequências negativas para os indivíduos obesos, nomeadamente dificuldades no desempenho de atividades de vida diária, na locomoção e na prática de exercício físico, o que pode restringir a participação em atividades sociais e de lazer. Esta investigação consiste num estudo quantitativo descritivo e tem como objetivo principal descrever de que forma os indivíduos adultos obesos classificam a sua adaptação ocupacional, a partir dos conceitos de identidade e competência ocupacional. Com este estudo, pretende-se ainda verificar se os indivíduos obesos apresentam níveis de atividade física mais baixos e valores mais elevados de pressão plantar, em relação a indivíduos com peso normal. A amostra é constituída por dez indivíduos adultos, de ambos os sexos, com índice de massa corporal igual (IMC) ou superior a 30 Kg/m2, e os instrumentos de avaliação utilizados são o Questionário Ocupacional (adaptado por N. Riopel com assistência de G. Kielhofner e J. Hawkins Watts – 1986), o IPAQ – Versão Curta e o Sistema de Palmilhas Pedar. A partir dos resultados, pode-se verificar que os indivíduos obesos apresentam uma rotina diária em que a maioria das atividades realizadas está relacionada com a casa, o trabalho e o descanso e que a percentagem de atividades de lazer em que participam é reduzida. No entanto, parecem satisfeitos com o seu desempenho na maior parte das atividades, consideram que muitas delas são importantes para si e estão motivados para as realizar. Dos resultados obtidos, podemos sugerir que os indivíduos obesos apresentam boa adaptação ocupacional. Pode-se ainda dizer que os indivíduos obesos apresentam um baixo nível de intensidade de atividade física, não se observando diferenças significativas relativamente aos indivíduos com peso normativo e que os seus valores máximos de pressão plantar normalizados são inferiores quando comparados com a população de peso normal.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Gestão de Empresas/MBA
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Trabalho Final para a obtenção do grau de Mestre em Engenharia Civil