Vilas, “logares” e cidades: a história da educação rural do Pará na Primeira República - 1889 a 1897

Trata-se de um estudo sobre a história da educação rural no Pará, entre 1889-1897. A intenção última é conhecer, a partir da pesquisa histórica, como se deu a educação rural do Pará na Primeira República, tendo como foco os governos provisórios de Justo Chermont e Huert Bacelar e o governo constitucional de Lauro Sodré. Nosso objetivo geral é entender como a educação para homens e mulheres do interior do Pará foi pensada e operacionalizada no plano governamental. Especificamente, estabelecemos quatro objetivos: a) Levantar os investimentos feitos nas escolas rurais no período em questão; b) Descrever como eram concebidas as escolas rurais do estado do Pará na Primeira República; c) Entender quais os procedimentos utilizados, através dos documentos oficiais, para formar o cidadão das escolas rurais; d) Compreender os objetivos da formação educacional da população rural. Duas questões nortearam a investigação: 1º) Que intenções permeavam a educação destinada às populações das áreas rurais do Pará nos governos do período de 1889 a 1897? 2º) O que foi realizado, no plano governamental, para a concretização desses objetivos? As fontes documentais foram coletadas no Arquivo Público do Estado do Pará, na biblioteca Arthur Vianna e nos Setor de Obras Raras do Centro Cultural do Pará Tancredo Neves (CENTUR). O corpus da pesquisa está composto de: relatórios dos governadores; mensagens, ofícios, abaixo-assinados, circulares e requerimentos; relatórios de diretores da Instrução Pública; relatórios de visitadores; relatórios de grupo escolares; cadernos de Leis do período. Metodologicamente, operamos a análise em três momentos: 1) momento da heurística; 2) momento da crítica; 3) momento da interpretação. O texto está composto de introdução, três seções e considerações finais. O trabalho realizado indica que os governos estaduais na Primeira República pouco fizeram pela formação do homem do interior do estado, apesar do uso político acentuado da educação como prioridade para estes. Identificamos que os investimentos com a Instrução Pública tiveram seu limite estabelecido pela ideologia do regime republicano que entendia a população rural como uma gente de segunda ou de terceira, que precisava ser “lapidada” para o trabalho. Por extensão, o espaço rural é compreendido como o lugar do atraso, da incivilidade e que, portanto, um pouco de formação à sua população era o suficiente para transformar homens rudes em cidadãos, ainda que de categoria inferior.

Governos de gabinete e coalizões cíclicas no ultrapresidencialismo estadual: a experiência no Amazonas

OBJETIVO – O propósito de minha pesquisa é analisar os mecanismos que estruturam os governos de gabinete e as coalizões cíclicas no ultrapresidencialismo estadual do Amazonas. Em outras palavras, tenho como foco explicar a lógica do sucesso do governador, de sua coalizão legislativa e de seu gabinete na constituição de uma rede de superdominância nas arenas eleitoral, parlamentar e executiva. PERÍODO – Neste estudo de caso, analiso quatro administrações de três governadores do Amazonas: Gilberto Mestrinho (1991-1994), Amazonino Mendes (1995-1998 e 1999-2002) e Eduardo Braga (2003-2006); e quatro legislaturas da Assembleia Legislativa (ALEAM). TEORIA – Como orientação teórica, uso as contribuições da teoria da escolha pública e da análise institucional. Parto da premissa de que o governador joga tentando maximizar sua renda de utilidade dentro de uma dada estrutura institucional (permeada pela lógica do gubernatorial coattails) que incentiva a interação estratégica cooperativa e durável entre os principais jogadores (governador, deputados estaduais, secretários e cidadãos-eleitores) em múltiplas arenas decisórias. METODOLOGIA – Primeiramente, utilizo o banco de dados do Laboratório de Estudos Experimentais (LEEX) para montar um mapa da dinâmica eleitoral, partidária e parlamentar recente. Depois, trabalho com o banco de dados da Assembleia Legislativa do Amazonas para verificar a organização da produção legislativa (os projetos de lei ordinária aprovados) e a eficácia da coalizão partidário-parlamentar do governador. Finalmente, manuseio o meu próprio banco de dados sobre a rotatividade do secretariado e, por conseguinte, aplico e calculo o índice de coalescência para estimar os níveis de proporcionalidade dos governos de gabinetes ultrapresidenciais. CONCLUSÃO E RESULTADOS – Os governadores acumulam o monopólio do poder de agenda decisória do Executivo e controlam com muita eficiência a agenda do Legislativo; além do mais distribuem recursos de patronagem como incentivos seletivos para os seus aliados nos jogos em múltiplas arenas. Como consequência, cheguei à conclusão de que a formação de maiorias no contexto do ultrapresidencialismo estadual se realiza, por um lado, pelo surgimento de coalizões cíclicas de amplo apoio partidário na arena legislativa; e, por outro, pela edificação de governos de gabinete com a participação pendular de parlamentares, partidários e especialistas.

Ensino primário tipicamente rural no Estado de São Paulo: um estudo sobre as Granjas Escolares, os Grupos Escolares Rurais e as Escolas Típicas Rurais (1933-1968)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

O regimento do corpo em Portugal no século XV

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Retratos da Espanha em Os fantasmas de Goya

1792, Madri. After years of inactivity, the Spanish Inquisition is born again with the mission of containing the laic winds that blow from the revolutionary France. Inês Bilbatúa, a rich merchant’s daugther, is victim of the inquisitorial machinery which tortures and violates her, through one of their abetters, the Dominican monk Lorenzo. Before being arrested, the young lady had served as model for the painter Francisco of Goya, who had also portrayed the monk Lorenzo. The Aragonese painter’s figure serves as narrative conductor of a history that narrates the young Inês’ via crucis and, at the same time, it recreates the historical scenery of the Napoleonic invasion (1808), through a basic element, the painting. Our work intends to analyze the relationships among movie, painting and history present in “Goya’s ghosts” (2006), of the Czech director Milos Forman (1932) - whose script was adapted to a homonymous book in 2007 -, a movie that is based on the artistic production of Francisco of Goya y Lucientes (1746 -1828), official painter of Carlos’ IV (1788 -1808) court and the most lucid columnist of his time, that knew how to capture in his works the religious fanaticism, the populist fervour, the governor’s hypocrisy and the horror and the violence of the war.

Marguerite Tolbert Papers - Accession 203

Marguerite Tolbert (1893-1982) was a Winthrop alumna (class of 1914), club woman, and administrator with the Opportunity School in Columbia, South Carolina. The Marguerite Tolbert Papers consist of correspondence, manuscripts, galley proofs, biographical sketches, newspaper clippings, and other records relating to the publication of the book, South Carolina’s Distinguished Women of Laurens County. Miss Tolbert served as coordinator for the book project. Also included is an unpublished manuscript written by Clara Yarborough concerning the terms of office of seven former South Carolina governors. Miss Yarborough served as secretary under these governors.

Tribute to Curt Bromm

Since growing up on the family farm, Curt Bromm has continued to maintain a strong interest in agriculture and education as he developed his legal practice in Wahoo and embarked on a career in public service as a State Senator. Curt Bromm was born at Oakland and graduated from Tekamah High School. He continued his education at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln where he received his baccalaureate degree in agriculture and then a law degree. Curt served as a second lieutenant in the U. S. Army.

Calculation of parameter ranges for robust gain tuning of power system controllers

This work proposes a computational tool to assist power system engineers in the field tuning of power system stabilizers (PSSs) and Automatic Voltage Regulators (AVRs). The outcome of this tool is a range of gain values for theses controllers within which there is a theoretical guarantee of stability for the closed-loop system. This range is given as a set of limit values for the static gains of the controllers of interest, in such a way that the engineer responsible for the field tuning of PSSs and/or AVRs can be confident with respect to system stability when adjusting the corresponding static gains within this range. This feature of the proposed tool is highly desirable from a practical viewpoint, since the PSS and AVR commissioning stage always involve some readjustment of the controller gains to account for the differences between the nominal model and the actual behavior of the system. By capturing these differences as uncertainties in the model, this computational tool is able to guarantee stability for the whole uncertain model using an approach based on linear matrix inequalities. It is also important to remark that the tool proposed in this paper can also be applied to other types of parameters of either PSSs or Power Oscillation Dampers, as well as other types of controllers (such as speed governors, for example). To show its effectiveness, applications of the proposed tool to two benchmarks for small signal stability studies are presented at the end of this paper.

O poder da caneta: a Medida Provisória no processo legislativo estadual

A Medida Provisória (MP) brasileira é um dos instrumentos legislativos mais poderosos nas mãos do Presidente da República para alterar unilateralmente o status quo. Apesar de o judiciário ter reconhecido a competência dos governadores para instituir e adotar a MP, esta existe apenas em seis estados. O artigo procura explicar a não adoção deste instrumento legislativo pela maioria dos estados. Enfatiza-se a escassa ou marginal relevância que é dada à MP pelo governador nos seis casos que a adotaram. Defende-se, aqui, que os governadores, diferentemente dos presidentes, não necessitam de mais um instrumento legislativo ou da ampliação da delegação de prerrogativas legislativas para garantir sua agenda frente a seus respectivos legislativos, já que com ou sem poder de decreto estadual os governadores controlariam a já limitada agenda decisória nos estados.

L'a(rche)tipico Brian O'Nolan. Comico e riso dalla tradizione al post-

This study aims at analysing Brian O'Nolans literary production in the light of a reconsideration of the role played by his two most famous pseudonyms ,Flann Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, behind which he was active both as a novelist and as a journalist. We tried to establish a new kind of relationship between them and their empirical author following recent cultural and scientific surveys in the field of Humour Studies, Psychology, and Sociology: taking as a starting point the appreciation of the comic attitude in nature and in cultural history, we progressed through a short history of laughter and derision, followed by an overview on humour theories. After having established such a frame, we considered an integration of scientific studies in the field of laughter and humour as a base for our study scheme, in order to come to a definition of the comic author as a recognised, powerful and authoritative social figure who acts as a critic of conventions. The history of laughter and comic we briefly summarized, based on the one related by the French scholar Georges Minois in his work (Minois 2004), has been taken into account in the view that humorous attitude is one of man’s characteristic traits always present and witnessed throughout the ages, though subject in most cases to repression by cultural and political conservative power. This sort of Super-Ego notwithstanding, or perhaps because of that, comic impulse proved irreducible exactly in its influence on the current cultural debates. Basing mainly on Robert R. Provine’s (Provine 2001), Fabio Ceccarelli’s (Ceccarelli 1988), Arthur Koestler’s (Koestler 1975) and Peter L. Berger’s (Berger 1995) scientific essays on the actual occurrence of laughter and smile in complex social situations, we underlined the many evidences for how the use of comic, humour and wit (in a Freudian sense) could be best comprehended if seen as a common mind process designed for the improvement of knowledge, in which we traced a strict relation with the play-element the Dutch historian Huizinga highlighted in his famous essay, Homo Ludens (Huizinga 1955). We considered comic and humour/wit as different sides of the same coin, and showed how the demonstrations scientists provided on this particular subject are not conclusive, given that the mental processes could not still be irrefutably shown to be separated as regards graduations in comic expression and reception: in fact, different outputs in expressions might lead back to one and the same production process, following the general ‘Economy Rule’ of evolution; man is the only animal who lies, meaning with this that one feeling is not necessarily biuniquely associated with one and the same outward display, so human expressions are not validation proofs for feelings. Considering societies, we found that in nature they are all organized in more or less the same way, that is, in élites who govern over a community who, in turn, recognizes them as legitimate delegates for that task; we inferred from this the epistemological possibility for the existence of an added ruling figure alongside those political and religious: this figure being the comic, who is the person in charge of expressing true feelings towards given subjects of contention. Any community owns one, and his very peculiar status is validated by the fact that his place is within the community, living in it and speaking to it, but at the same time is outside it in the sense that his action focuses mainly on shedding light on ideas and objects placed out-side the boundaries of social convention: taboos, fears, sacred objects and finally culture are the favourite targets of the comic person’s arrow. This is the reason for the word a(rche)typical as applied to the comic figure in society: atypical in a sense, because unconventional and disrespectful of traditions, critical and never at ease with unblinkered respect of canons; archetypical, because the “village fool”, buffoon, jester or anyone in any kind of society who plays such roles, is an archetype in the Jungian sense, i.e. a personification of an irreducible side of human nature that everybody instinctively knows: a beginner of a tradition, the perfect type, what is most conventional of all and therefore the exact opposite of an atypical. There is an intrinsic necessity, we think, of such figures in societies, just like politicians and priests, who should play an elitist role in order to guide and rule not for their own benefit but for the good of the community. We are not naïve and do know that actual owners of power always tend to keep it indefinitely: the ‘social comic’ as a role of power has nonetheless the distinctive feature of being the only job whose tension is not towards stability. It has got in itself the rewarding permission of contradiction, for the very reason we exposed before that the comic must cast an eye both inside and outside society and his vision may be perforce not consistent, then it is satisfactory for the popularity that gives amongst readers and audience. Finally, the difference between governors, priests and comic figures is the seriousness of the first two (fundamentally monologic) and the merry contradiction of the third (essentially dialogic). MPs, mayors, bishops and pastors should always console, comfort and soothe popular mood in respect of the public convention; the comic has the opposite task of provoking, urging and irritating, accomplishing at the same time a sort of control of the soothing powers of society, keepers of the righteousness. In this view, the comic person assumes a paramount importance in the counterbalancing of power administration, whether in form of acting in public places or in written pieces which could circulate for private reading. At this point comes into question our Irish writer Brian O'Nolan(1911-1966), real name that stood behind the more famous masks of Flann O'Brien, novelist, author of At Swim-Two-Birds (1939), The Hard Life (1961), The Dalkey Archive (1964) and, posthumously, The Third Policeman (1967); and of Myles na Gopaleen, journalist, keeper for more than 25 years of the Cruiskeen Lawn column on The Irish Times (1940-1966), and author of the famous book-parody in Irish An Béal Bocht (1941), later translated in English as The Poor Mouth (1973). Brian O'Nolan, professional senior civil servant of the Republic, has never seen recognized his authorship in literary studies, since all of them concentrated on his alter egos Flann, Myles and some others he used for minor contributions. So far as we are concerned, we think this is the first study which places the real name in the title, this way acknowledging him an unity of intents that no-one before did. And this choice in titling is not a mere mark of distinction for the sake of it, but also a wilful sign of how his opus should now be reconsidered. In effect, the aim of this study is exactly that of demonstrating how the empirical author Brian O'Nolan was the real Deus in machina, the master of puppets who skilfully directed all of his identities in planned directions, so as to completely fulfil the role of the comic figure we explained before. Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen were personae and not persons, but the impression one gets from the critical studies on them is the exact opposite. Literary consideration, that came only after O'Nolans death, began with Anne Clissmann’s work, Flann O'Brien: A Critical Introduction to His Writings (Clissmann 1975), while the most recent book is Keith Donohue’s The Irish Anatomist: A Study of Flann O'Brien (Donohue 2002); passing through M.Keith Booker’s Flann O'Brien, Bakhtin and Menippean Satire (Booker 1995), Keith Hopper’s Flann O'Brien: A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Post-Modernist (Hopper 1995) and Monique Gallagher’s Flann O'Brien, Myles et les autres (Gallagher 1998). There have also been a couple of biographies, which incidentally somehow try to explain critical points his literary production, while many critical studies do the same on the opposite side, trying to found critical points of view on the author’s restless life and habits. At this stage, we attempted to merge into O'Nolan's corpus the journalistic articles he wrote, more than 4,200, for roughly two million words in the 26-year-old running of the column. To justify this, we appealed to several considerations about the figure O'Nolan used as writer: Myles na Gopaleen (later simplified in na Gopaleen), who was the equivalent of the street artist or storyteller, speaking to his imaginary public and trying to involve it in his stories, quarrels and debates of all kinds. First of all, he relied much on language for the reactions he would obtain, playing on, and with, words so as to ironically unmask untrue relationships between words and things. Secondly, he pushed to the limit the convention of addressing to spectators and listeners usually employed in live performing, stretching its role in the written discourse to come to a greater effect of involvement of readers. Lastly, he profited much from what we labelled his “specific weight”, i.e. the potential influence in society given by his recognised authority in determined matters, a position from which he could launch deeper attacks on conventional beliefs, so complying with the duty of a comic we hypothesised before: that of criticising society even in threat of losing the benefits the post guarantees. That seemingly masochistic tendency has its rationale. Every representative has many privileges on the assumption that he, or she, has great responsibilities in administrating. The higher those responsibilities are, the higher is the reward but also the severer is the punishment for the misfits done while in charge. But we all know that not everybody accepts the rules and many try to use their power for their personal benefit and do not want to undergo law’s penalties. The comic, showing in this case more civic sense than others, helped very much in this by the non-accessibility to the use of public force, finds in the role of the scapegoat the right accomplishment of his task, accepting the punishment when his breaking of the conventions is too stark to be forgiven. As Ceccarelli demonstrated, the role of the object of laughter (comic, ridicule) has its very own positive side: there is freedom of expression for the person, and at the same time integration in the society, even though at low levels. Then the banishment of a ‘social’ comic can never get to total extirpation from society, revealing how the scope of the comic lies on an entirely fictional layer, bearing no relation with facts, nor real consequences in terms of physical health. Myles na Gopaleen, mastering these three characteristics we postulated in the highest way, can be considered an author worth noting; and the oeuvre he wrote, the whole collection of Cruiskeen Lawn articles, is rightfully a novel because respects the canons of it especially regarding the authorial figure and his relationship with the readers. In addition, his work can be studied even if we cannot conduct our research on the whole of it, this proceeding being justified exactly because of the resemblances to the real figure of the storyteller: its ‘chapters’ —the daily articles— had a format that even the distracted reader could follow, even one who did not read each and every article before. So we can critically consider also a good part of them, as collected in the seven volumes published so far, with the addition of some others outside the collections, because completeness in this case is not at all a guarantee of a better precision in the assessment; on the contrary: examination of the totality of articles might let us consider him as a person and not a persona. Once cleared these points, we proceeded further in considering tout court the works of Brian O'Nolan as the works of a unique author, rather than complicating the references with many names which are none other than well-wrought sides of the same personality. By putting O'Nolan as the correct object of our research, empirical author of the works of the personae Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, there comes out a clearer literary landscape: the comic author Brian O'Nolan, self-conscious of his paramount role in society as both a guide and a scourge, in a word as an a(rche)typical, intentionally chose to differentiate his personalities so as to create different perspectives in different fields of knowledge by using, in addition, different means of communication: novels and journalism. We finally compared the newly assessed author Brian O'Nolan with other great Irish comic writers in English, such as James Joyce (the one everybody named as the master in the field), Samuel Beckett, and Jonathan Swift. This comparison showed once more how O'Nolan is in no way inferior to these authors who, greatly celebrated by critics, have nonetheless failed to achieve that great public recognition O’Nolan received alias Myles, awarded by the daily audience he reached and influenced with his Cruiskeen Lawn column. For this reason, we believe him to be representative of the comic figure’s function as a social regulator and as a builder of solidarity, such as that Raymond Williams spoke of in his work (Williams 1982), with in mind the aim of building a ‘culture in common’. There is no way for a ‘culture in common’ to be acquired if we do not accept the fact that even the most functional society rests on conventions, and in a world more and more ‘connected’ we need someone to help everybody negotiate with different cultures and persons. The comic gives us a worldly perspective which is at the same time comfortable and distressing but in the end not harmful as the one furnished by politicians could be: he lets us peep into parallel worlds without moving too far from our armchair and, as a consequence, is the one who does his best for the improvement of our understanding of things.

Il conflitto tra ragione e passioni nel pensiero morale, economico e politico di Bernard Mandeville

Effects of the conflict between reason and passion in Bernard Mandeville’s moral, economic and political thought My PhD dissertation focuses on Bernard Mandeville (1670-1732), a Dutch philosopher who moved to London in his late twenties. The aspect of Mandeville’s thought I take into account in my research is the conflicting relation between reason and passions, and the consequences that Mandeville’s view of this conflict has in the development of his theory of human nature which, I argue, is what grounds his moral, economic and, above all, political theory. According to Mandeville, reason is fundamentally weak. Passions influence with more strength human actions, and, eventually, are the ones which motivate them. The role of reason is merely instrumental, restricted to finding appropriate means in order to reach the desired ends, which are capricious and inconstant, since they all come from unstable passions. Reason cannot take decisions meant to act in the long term, pursuing an object which has not a selfish and temporary nature. There is no possibility, thus, that men’s actions aim just to achieve a good and just society, without their interests being directly involved. The basically selfish root of every desire leads Mandeville to claim that there is neither benevolence nor altruism which guides human behaviour. Hence he expresses a judgement on the moral character of human beings, always busy with their self-satisfaction, and hardly ever considering what would be good on a wider perspective, including other people’s sake. The anthropological features ascribed to men by Mandeville, are those which lead him to prefer a political system where governors are not supposed to have particular abilities, either from an intellectual or from a moral point of view, and peace and order are preserved by the bureaucratic machine, which is meant to work with the least effort on the part of the politicians, and no big harm can be done even by corrupted or wicked governors. This system is adopted with an eye at remedying human deficiencies: Mandeville takes into primary account, when he thinks of how to build a peaceful and functioning society, that everyone is concerned with his selfish interest, and that the rationality of a single politician, or of a group of them belonging to a same generation, cannot find a good “solution” to govern men able to last over the long period, and to work in different ages. This implies a refusal of the Hobbesian theory of the pactum subjectionis, which has the character of a rational and definitive choice, and leads Mandeville to consider the order which arises spontaneously, without any plan or rational intervention.

La flibuste de Saint-Domingue (1684-1727). Analyse d'un phénomène américain

Quelle est la différence entre un flibustier et un pirate ? Ce projet de recherche est basé sur cette question enfantine. En fait, les historiens contemporains, qui ont consacré de nombreuses pages à la « piraterie » et à la « flibuste » de l’âge moderne, n’ont pas réussi à répondre à cette – apparemment – simple question. Les reconstructions et les théories développées, en fait, ont assimilé ces deux phénomènes, en traitant les deux termes comme de simples synonymes. Mais, si cela peut être considéré comme vrai aujourd’hui, il n'était pas au cours des XVIIème et XVIIIème siècles. À l'époque, pirate était équivalent de « hostis humani generis », et comme tel craint et persécuté. Les flibustiers, au contraire, ont été considérés comme l’un des groupes les plus importants dans les premiers établissements des îles de la Mer des Caraïbes. En outre, le terme flibustier, dans la correspondance des gouverneurs français, se réfère à un élément considéré comme essentiel pour la réussite du processus de construction de la colonie, et également cruciale pour la consolidation des établissements américains. C’est donc la relation spéciale entre les flibustiers et le Nouveau Monde est l’objet de cette thèse. En utilisant une approche historico-culturel, on a essayé de contextualiser le phénomène de la flibuste dans le « processus d’américanisation » des premières communautés européennes en Amérique. La relation étroite entre les colons des établissements français de Saint-Domingue (aujourd’hui Haïti) et les nombreux espaces - économique, militaire, diplomatique, social, humain - des Caraïbes a fait des flibustiers un élément fortement « américanisé ». Grâce à la lecture des documents d'archives et les mémoires des années entre 1684 et 1727, on a reconstruit la dynamique de la relation entre ce groupe et le contexte américain, avec une attention particulière à la dynamique culturelle et sociale.

The Position of Russian Provinical Officialdom in the Middle of the 19th Century: Law and Life

The study considered the discrepancy between the official status and real position of Russian provincial officialdom in the middle of the 19th century. The law was not entirely coherent in all aspects of the officials' life and activity, with ordinary deviations from the law being adopted in practice and accepted, albeit not openly, by the public and sometimes even by the authorities. The main law determining the rights and duties of governors was never followed to the letter and in reality governors' activities were determined by the common (unwritten) law existing in the governmental sphere. The volume and nature of the governors' rights depended on a range of factors, with specific regional features and the governor's personal qualities having a particular significance. The standard of living of government clerks was much higher than their official salary would permit and Matkhanova studied the most widespread cases of abuse, identifying those positions in the administration which offered the most opportunities for such abuses. At the start of the period and on the eve of the reforms public opinion towards the bribery of officials underwent a change. From the late 1850s onwards, there appeared among provincial officials a group of young well-educated clerks with liberal ideas and a new system of moral values which did not allow them to accept bribes or infringe the law in any way. There was also a non-official hierarchy side by side with the legally existing one. A significant role in governing the region, and one which has been underestimated by historians, was played by the head of the governor's office, but the reforms of the 1860s contributed to changing this state of affairs.

"From Dartboards to Dashboards: The Imperative of using Data to Improve Student Achievement"

Aimee Guidera, Director of the National Data Quality Campaign, delivered the second annual Lee Gurel '48 Lecture in Education, "From Dartboards to Dashboards: The Imperative of Using Data to Improve Student Outcomes." Aimee Rogstad Guidera is the Founding Executive Director of the Data Quality Campaign. She manages a growing partnership among national organizations collaborating to improve the quality, accessibility and use of education data to improve student achievement. Working with 10 Founding Partners, Aimee launched the DQC in 2005 with the goal of every state having a robust longitudinal data system in place by 2009. The Campaign is now in the midst of its second phase focusing on State Actions to ensure effective data use. Aimee joined the National Center for Educational Accountability as Director of the Washington, DC office in 2003. During her eight previous years in various roles at the National Alliance of Business, Aimee supported the corporate community's efforts to increase achievement at all levels of learning. As NAB Vice President of Programs, she managed the Business Coalition Network, comprised of over 1,000 business led coalitions focused on improving education in communities across the country. Prior to joining the Alliance, Aimee focused on school readiness, academic standards, education goals and accountability systems while in the Center for Best Practices at the National Governors Association. She taught for the Japanese Ministry of Education in five Hiroshima high schools where she interviewed educators and studied the Japanese education system immediately after receiving her AB from Princeton University’s Woodrow Wilson School of Public & International Affairs. Aimee also holds a Masters Degree in Public Policy from Harvard’s John F. Kennedy School of Government.

Ted Schwinden, Reflections on Montana’s Years of Transformational Change

Ted Schwinden, Montana’s 19th Governor (1981-89), was deeply involved in the major transformational changes in Montana and its government between 1959 and 1989. From when he first went to the Legislature in 1959, though his tenure as State Lands Commissioner for both Governor Forrest Anderson and Governor Tom Judge, his four years as Lieutenant Governor with Governor Judge, and his own eight-year tenure as Governor, Ted Schwinden was present at the creation of much major change in Montana during that transformational period. This 136 minute video reflection was filmed on August 26, 2013 in Helena, MT, at the home of Dore Schwinden, Ted’s son, and is an interview/discussion with Evan Barrett of Highlands College/Montana Tech. Barrett was himself a lesser participant and observer of much of that period of change. He has spent the last forty-four years at the top level of Montana government, politics, economic development and education. The film is the first of a number of Montana Historical Films planned by Barrett and was done as a part of Barrett’s class at Highlands College in Fall Semester 2013: “20th Century Montana – People, Policies & Perspectives.”