950 resultados para LABEL DEPENDENCY


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The purpose of this publication is to present the Executive Summary for the Program Year 2002 report on Iowa’s adult basic education program benchmarks. The passage of the Workforce Investment Act (WIA) of 1998 [Public Law 105-220] by the 105th Congress has ushered in a new era of collaboration, coordination, cooperation and accountability. The overall goal of the Act is “to increase the employment, retention, and earnings of participants, and increase occupational skill attainment by participants, and, as a result improve the quality of the workforce, reduce welfare dependency, and enhance the productivity and competitiveness of the Nation.”

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The purpose of this publication is to present the Executive Summary of the first annual report on the results of Iowa’s adult basic education program benchmarks. The passage of the Workforce Investment Act (WIA) of 1998 [Public Law 105-220] by the 105th Congress has ushered in a new era of collaboration, coordination, cooperation and accountability. The overall goal of the Act is “to increase the employment, retention, and earnings of participants, and increase occupational skill attainment by participants, and, as a result improve the quality of the workforce, reduce welfare dependency, and enhance the productivity and competitiveness of the Nation.”

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The literature on developmental synaesthesia has seen numerous sensory combinations, with surprisingly few reports on synaesthesias involving affect. On the one hand, emotion, or more broadly affect, might be of minor importance to the synaesthetic experience (e.g. Sinke et al., 2012). On the other hand, predictions on how affect could be relevant to the synaesthetic experience remain to be formulated, in particular those that are driven by emotion theories. In this theoretical paper, we hypothesize that a priori studies on synaesthesia involving affect will observe the following. Firstly, the synaesthetic experience is not merely about discrete emotion processing or overall valence (positive, negative) but is determined by or even altered through cognitive appraisal processes. Secondly, the synaesthetic experience changes temporarily on a quantitative level according to i) the affective appraisal of the inducing stimulus or ii) the current affective state of the individual. These hypotheses are inferred from previous theoretical and empirical accounts on synaesthesia (including the few examples involving affect), different emotion theories, crossmodal processing accounts in synaesthetes and nonsynaesthetes, and the presumed stability of the synaesthetic experience. We hope that the current review will succeed in launching a new series of studies on "affective synaesthesias". We particularly hope that such studies will apply the same creativity in experimental paradigms as we have seen and still see when assessing and evaluating "traditional" synaesthesias.

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Histoire discursive du « cinéma-vérité ». Techniques, controverses, historiographie (1960-1970) retrace l'histoire du succès et de la disgrâce du label « cinéma vérité » en France qui, entre 1960 - date à laquelle Edgar Morin publie son essai programmatique « Pour un nouveau "cinéma vérité" » dans France Observateur - et 1964-65 - moment où la notion commence à perdre en popularité - sert de bannière à un mouvement cinématographique supposé renouveler les rapports entre cinéma et réalité. Une vingtaine de films - comme Chronique d'un été de Jean Rouch et Edgar Morin, Primary de Richard Leacock et Robert Drew, Les Inconnus de la terre ou Regard sur la folie de Mario Ruspoli, Hitler, connais pas de Bertrand Blier, Le Chemin de la mauvaise route de Jean Herman, Le Joli Mai de Chris Marker, La Punition de Jean Rouch ou Pour la Suite du monde de Michel Brault et Pierre Perrault - revendiquent cette étiquette ou y sont associés par la presse hexagonale qui y consacre des centaines d'articles. En effet, la sortie en salles de ces « films-vérité » provoque en France de virulentes controverses qui interrogent aussi bien l'éthique de ces projets où les personnes filmées sont supposées révéler une vérité intime face à la caméra, le statut artistique de ces réalisations, ou l'absence d'un engagement politique marqué des « cinéastes-vérité » devant les questions abordées par les protagonistes (par exemple la Guerre d'Algérie, la jeunesse française, la politique internationale). L'hypothèse à la base de cette recherche est que la production cinématographique qui se réclame du « cinéma-vérité » se caractérise par une étroite corrélation entre film et discours sur le film. D'une part car la première moitié de la décennie est marquée par de nombreuses rencontres entre les « cinéastes vérité », les critiques ou les constructeurs de caméras légères et de magnétophones synchrones ; rencontres qui contribuent à accentuer et à médiatiser les dissensions au sein du mouvement. D'autre part car la particularité de nombreux projets est d'inclure dans le film des séquences méta-discursives où les participants, les réalisateurs ou des experts débattent de la réussite du tournage. Ce travail montre que le succès du mouvement entre 1960 et 1964-65 ne se fait pas malgré une forte polémique, mais qu'au contraire, nombre de longs métrages intègrent la controverse en leur sein, interrogeant, sur un plan symbolique, l'abolition du filtre entre le film et son spectateur. Si les films qui s'inscrivent dans la mouvance du « cinéma vérité » octroient une large place à la confrontation, c'est parce que la « vérité » est pensée comme un processus dialectique, qui émerge dans une dynamique d'échanges (entre les réalisateurs de cette mouvance, entre les protagonistes, entre le film et son public). Les querelles internes ou publiques qui rythment ces quelques années font partie du dispositif « cinéma-vérité » et justifient de faire l'histoire de ce mouvement cinématographique par le biais des discours qu'il a suscité au sein de la cinéphilie française.

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The purpose of this publication is to present the Program Year 2005 report on Iowa’s adult literacy program benchmarks. The passage of the Workforce Investment Act (WIA) of 1998 [Public Law 105-220] by the 105th Congress ushered in a new era of collaboration, coordination, cooperation and accountability. The overall goal of the Act is “to increase the employment, retention, and earnings of participants, and increase occupational skill attainment by participants, and, as a result improve the quality of the workforce, reduce welfare dependency, and enhance the productivity and competitiveness of the Nation.”

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The purpose of this publication is to present the Executive Summary for the Program Year 2002 report on Iowa’s adult basic education program benchmarks. The passage of the Workforce Investment Act (WIA) of 1998 [Public Law 105-220] by the 105th Congress has ushered in a new era of collaboration, coordination, cooperation and accountability. The overall goal of the Act is “to increase the employment, retention, and earnings of participants, and increase occupational skill attainment by participants, and, as a result improve the quality of the workforce, reduce welfare dependency, and enhance the productivity and competitiveness of the Nation.”

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The purpose of this publication is to present the Executive Summary Program Year 2005 report on Iowa’s adult literacy program benchmarks.1 The passage of the Workforce Investment Act (WIA) of 1998 [Public Law 105-220] by the 105th Congress ushered in a new era of collaboration, coordination, cooperation and accountability. The overall goal of the Act is “to increase the employment, retention, and earnings of participants, and increase occupational skill attainment by participants, and, as a result improve the quality of the workforce, reduce welfare dependency, and enhance the productivity and competitiveness of the Nation.”

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The purpose of this publication is to present the Program Year 2006 report on Iowa’s adult literacy program benchmarks. The passage of the Workforce Investment Act (WIA) of 1998 [Public Law 105-220] by the 105th Congress ushered in a new era of collaboration, coordination, cooperation and accountability. The overall goal of the Act is “to increase the employment, retention, and earnings of participants, and increase occupational skill attainment by participants, and, as a result improve the quality of the workforce, reduce welfare dependency, and enhance the productivity and competitiveness of the Nation.”

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The purpose of this publication is to present the Program Year 2005 report on Iowa’s adult literacy program benchmarks. The passage of the Workforce Investment Act (WIA) of 1998 [Public Law 105-220] by the 105th Congress ushered in a new era of collaboration, coordination, cooperation and accountability. The overall goal of the Act is “to increase the employment, retention, and earnings of participants, and increase occupational skill attainment by participants, and, as a result improve the quality of the workforce, reduce welfare dependency, and enhance the productivity and competitiveness of the Nation.”

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The passage of the Workforce Investment Act of 1998 (WIA) [Public Law 105-220] by the 105th Congress has ushered in a new era of collaboration, coordination, cooperation and accountability. The overall goal of the Act is “to increase the employment, retention, earnings of participants, and increase occupational skill attainment by participants, and, as a result improve the quality of the workforce, reduce welfare dependency, and enhance the productivity and competitiveness of the Nation.” The key principles inculcated in the Act are: • streamlining services; • empowering individuals; • universal access; • increased accountability; • new roles for local boards; • state and local flexibility; • improved youth programs. The purpose of Title II, The Adult Education and Family Literacy Act (AEFLA) of the Workforce Investment Act of 1998, is to create a partnership among the federal government, states, and localities to provide, on a voluntary basis, adult education and literacy services in order to: • assist adults to become literate and obtain the knowledge and skills necessary for employment and self-sufficiency; • assist adults who are parents obtain the educational skills necessary to become full partners in the educational development of their children; • assist adults in the completion of a secondary school education. The major purposes of Iowa’s Adult Literacy Program State Plan Extension for Program Year 2006 are: • provide a comprehensive blue print for implementation of Title II of the Act; • serve as a basis for both immediate and long-range planning and continuous, systematic evaluation of program effectiveness; • provide basis for common understanding among Iowa’s literacy partners, other interested entities and the U.S. Department of Education. The plan extension is designed to update Iowa’s Adult Literacy State Plan for Program Year 2006 in line with the guidelines provided by the United States Department of Education: Division of Adult Education and Literacy (USDE:DAEL).

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The passage of the Workforce Investment Act (WIA) of 1998 [Public Law 105-220] by the 105th Congress has ushered in a new era of collaboration, coordination, cooperation and accountability. The overall goal of the Act is “to increase the employability, retention, and earnings of participants, and increase occupational skill attainment by participants, and, as a result improve the quality of the workforce, reduce welfare dependency, and enhance the productivity and competitiveness of the Nation.” The key principles inculcated in the Act are: • Streamlining services; • Empowering individuals; • Universal access; • Increased accountability; • New roles for local boards; • State and local flexibility; • Improved youth programs. The purpose of Title II, The Adult Education and Family Literacy Act (AEFLA), of the Workforce Investment Act of 1998 is to create a partnership among the federal government, states, and localities to provide, on a voluntary basis, adult education and literacy services in order to: • Assist adults become literate and obtain the knowledge and skills necessary for employment and self-sufficiency; • Assist adults who are parents obtain the educational skills necessary to become full partners in the educational development of their children; • Assist adults in the completion of a secondary school education. Adult education is an important part of the workforce investment system. Title II restructures and improves programs previously authorized by the Adult Education Act. AEFLA focuses on strengthening program quality by requiring States to give priority in awarding funds to local programs that are based on a solid foundation of research, address the diverse needs of adult learners, and utilize other effective practices and strategies. To promote continuous program involvement and to ensure optimal return on the Federal investment, AEFLA also establishes a State performance accountability system. Under this system, the Secretary and each State must reach agreement on annual levels of performance for a number of “core indicators” specified in the law: • Demonstrated improvements in literacy skill levels in reading, writing, and speaking the English language, numeracy, problem solving, English language acquisition, and other literacy skills. • Placement in, retention in, or completion of postsecondary education, training, unsubsidized employment or career advancement. • Receipt of a secondary school diploma or its recognized equivalent. Iowa’s community college based adult basic education program has implemented a series of proactive strategies in order to effectively and systematically meet the challenges posed by WIA. The Iowa TOPSpro Data Dictionary is a direct result of Iowa’s pro-active efforts in this educational arena.

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The passage of the Workforce Investment Act of 1998 (WIA) [Public Law 105-220] by the 105th Congress has ushered in a new era of collaboration, coordination, cooperation and accountability. The overall goal of the Act is “to increase the employment, retention, earnings of participants, and increase occupational skill attainment by participants, and, as a result improve the quality of the workforce, reduce welfare dependency, and enhance the productivity and competitiveness of the Nation.”

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Inhibitory control refers to the ability to suppress planned or ongoing cognitive or motor processes. Electrophysiological indices of inhibitory control failure have been found to manifest even before the presentation of the stimuli triggering the inhibition, suggesting that pre-stimulus brain-states modulate inhibition performance. However, previous electrophysiological investigations on the state-dependency of inhibitory control were based on averaged event-related potentials (ERPs), a method eliminating the variability in the ongoing brain activity not time-locked to the event of interest. These studies thus left unresolved whether spontaneous variations in the brain-state immediately preceding unpredictable inhibition-triggering stimuli also influence inhibitory control performance. To address this question, we applied single-trial EEG topographic analyses on the time interval immediately preceding NoGo stimuli in conditions where the responses to NoGo trials were correctly inhibited [correct rejection (CR)] vs. committed [false alarms (FAs)] during an auditory spatial Go/NoGo task. We found a specific configuration of the EEG voltage field manifesting more frequently before correctly inhibited responses to NoGo stimuli than before FAs. There was no evidence for an EEG topography occurring more frequently before FAs than before CR. The visualization of distributed electrical source estimations of the EEG topography preceding successful response inhibition suggested that it resulted from the activity of a right fronto-parietal brain network. Our results suggest that the fluctuations in the ongoing brain activity immediately preceding stimulus presentation contribute to the behavioral outcomes during an inhibitory control task. Our results further suggest that the state-dependency of sensory-cognitive processing might not only concern perceptual processes, but also high-order, top-down inhibitory control mechanisms.

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OBJECTIVE To know the facilitating factors of the transition process from dependency to the self-care of people with a stoma. METHOD This is a descriptive study of qualitative approach, including 27 people with permanent stomas due to cancer. The data were collected through semi-structured interviews and submitted to content analysis based on the Transition Theory as theoretical reference. RESULTS The self-care facilitators related to the person were the positive significance of ostomy; the preparation for this experience already in the preoperative period; emotional stability; faith; religiousness; and a sense of normalcy acquired from a next image similar to the previous one. The facilitators related to the community were the following: receiving equipment for free from the government; support from family and the multidisciplinary team, especially the nurses; and having contact with other people with stomata. CONCLUSION The results allow that nurses develop strategies to help people with stomata to resume their self-care.

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post-independence, and on the other hand, the testimonies from Sao Tomeans individuals from different social conditions and different degrees of political responsibility, this article approaches some possible connections between poverty and micro-violence in Sao Tome and Principe. It is offered an outline of research for the difficulties of the eradication of poverty and, concomitantly, the diffusion of a growing feeling of social disruption, processes in all contrary to the promises of independence for this archipelago. Frequently, the archipelago’s visitors make hasty opinions about the imaginary effortlessness of governing two islands with less than one hundred and fifty thousand citizens. However, contrary to this very common prejudice, the micro-insularity is considered an obstacle to development, a notion shared by many Sao Tomeans. Could micro-insularity equally be, under this outlook, an impoverishment-inducing factor? Regarding the development, there is some truth in this diagnosis, which the Sao Tomeans also use to justify their current difficulties. Throughout the 70s and 80s, the MLSTP – Movimento de Libertação de São Tomé e Príncipe (Movement for the Liberation of Sao Tome and Principe) endorsed a development founded on an expansion of cacao cultures, at the expenses of an intensified production rate, and on an incipient industrialization, which was intended to avoid importations and economic dependency. At the time, the Sao Tomeans leaders justified the rising daily difficulties, quite the opposite of the promises made during the independence, with an economic disarticulation resulting from the gradual abandonment of economic infrastructures inflicted by the last batch of colonists, which affected the cacao plantations too. Simultaneously, both the inefficiency and cost of the industrial endeavors launched after the independence and the erosion of labor and social relationships in nationalized farms had been rather neglected.