989 resultados para Kraków (Poland)
Resumo:
It is well known that the deposition of gaseous pollutants and aerosols plays a major role in causing the deterioration of monuments and built cultural heritage in European cities. Despite of many studies dedicated to the environmental damage of cultural heritage, in case of cement mortars, commonly used in the 20th century architecture, the deterioration due to air multipollutants impact, especially the formation of black crusts, is still not well explored making this issue a challenging area of research. This work centers on cement mortars – environment interactions, focusing on the diagnosis of the damage on the modern built heritage due to air multi-pollutants. For this purpose three sites, exposed to different urban areas in Europe, were selected for sampling and subsequent laboratory analyses: Centennial Hall, Wroclaw (Poland), Chiesa dell'Autostrada del Sole, Florence (Italy), Casa Galleria Vichi, Florence (Italy). The sampling sessions were performed taking into account the height from the ground level and protection from rain run off (sheltered, partly sheltered and exposed areas). The complete characterization of collected damage layer and underlying materials was performed using a range of analytical techniques: optical and scanning electron microscopy, X ray diffractometry, differential and gravimetric thermal analysis, ion chromatography, flash combustion/gas chromatographic analysis, inductively coupled plasma-optical emission spectrometer. The data were elaborated using statistical methods (i.e. principal components analyses) and enrichment factor for cement mortars was calculated for the first time. The results obtained from the experimental activity performed on the damage layers indicate that gypsum, due to the deposition of atmospheric sulphur compounds, is the main damage product at surfaces sheltered from rain run-off at Centennial Hall and Casa Galleria Vichi. By contrast, gypsum has not been identified in the samples collected at Chiesa dell'Autostrada del Sole. This is connected to the restoration works, particularly surface cleaning, regularly performed for the maintenance of the building. Moreover, the results obtained demonstrated the correlation between the location of the building and the composition of the damage layer: Centennial Hall is mainly undergoing to the impact of pollutants emitted from the close coal power stations, whilst Casa Galleria Vichi is principally affected by pollutants from vehicular exhaust in front of the building.
Resumo:
La tesi di dottorato ha ad oggetto il principio di consensualità nell’agere amministrativo, inteso quale principio generale dell’ordinamento, che regola un’azione della Pubblica amministrazione di necessità funzionalizzata al perseguimento dell’interesse pubblico. E’ pertanto sull’oscillazione problematica tra un rapporto duale e dicotomico, che ricorre tra la dimensione bilaterale dell’uso di moduli negoziali pubblico-privati aventi ad oggetto l’esercizio del potere pubblico, e la prospettiva generale e collettiva che sottintende la cura dell’interesse pubblico, che si riflette nell’elaborato. Materia di studio prescelta è, poi, il governo del territorio, settore dell’ordinamento ove più diffusamente si concludono accordi amministrativi tra Pubblica amministrazione e privati. In particolare, l’analisi è rivolta allo studio delle tanto nuove quanto problematiche fattispecie denominate accordi “a monte” delle prescrizioni urbanistiche, che rappresentano l’espressione più alta, al momento, del principio di consensualità. I problemi di ammissibilità giuridica posti da una parte della dottrina hanno richiesto una ricerca di un possibile fondamento positivo espresso per gli accordi “a monte”, anche al fine di mettere al riparo le leggi regionali che li disciplinano, da eventuali dubbi di legittimità costituzionale. Tale ricerca è stata condotta anche attraverso l’ausilio del diritto comparato. E’ così, stato possibile riscontrare anzitutto l’esistenza del principio di consensualità in un numero considerevole di Paesi, salve alcune eccezioni, alla cui analisi è stato dedicato ampio spazio di trattazione (in particolare, la Francia). Per altro verso, le analoghe esperienze giuridiche provenienti da altri Stati europei (in particolare, la Spagna) sono state d’ausilio per la finale elaborazione di un possibile modello di procedimento per la conclusione degli accordi “a monte”; mentre la constatazione di comuni giustificazioni dottrinali ha permesso l’elaborazione di una nuova possibile natura giuridica da riconoscere agli accordi in parola (accordi normativi) e la definizione di precise ricadute pratiche e giuridiche quanto al rapporto.
Resumo:
In der Arbeit wird die Wahlbeteiligung bei Europawahlen analysiert. Es geht um die Beantwortung der Frage, ob die individuelle Wahlteilnahme in alten und neuen EU-Mitgliedsstaaten bzw. alten und jungen Demokratien auf die gleichen Erklärungsgrößen zurückgeht oder ob möglicherweise Unterschiede zwischen beiden Ländergruppen bestehen. rnAls Bezugspunkt dient die Europawahl, die im Juni 2009 stattfand: Bei dieser Wahl fällt nicht nur die generell niedrige Beteiligung auf, sondern auch erhebliche Niveauunterschiede zwischen den einzelnen Mitgliedsstaaten. Um diesen Befund erklären zu können, wird zunächst ein theoretisches Erklärungsmodell entwickelt, das sich auf die folgenden fünf Dimensionen bezieht: politisches System der EU, europäische politische Gemeinschaft, Wählermobilisierung während des Europawahlkampfes, Gewohnheitswahl und Einschätzung der staatlichen sowie der eigenen wirtschaftlichen Lage. Als Erklärungsgröße werden in den fünf Bereichen jeweils unterschiedlich stark ausgeprägte Defizite in den beiden Ländergruppen angenommen. rnExemplarisch werden Deutschland und Polen untersucht. Die empirischen Analysen basieren auf dem umfangreichen Datensatz der European Election Study 2009 (ESS), hier werden die Daten der Voter Study verwendet. Nicht alle Hypothesen lassen sich im Rahmen der Arbeit bestätigten, nur ein Teil der unabhängigen Variablen hat auch im multivariaten Modell noch einen Einfluss auf die Europawahlbeteiligung. rnFür Deutschland zeigen die Ergebnisse, dass Wahlnorm und Wählermobilisierung einen größeren Effekt auf die Stimmabgabe ausüben als die Nutzenseite (Effektivität) der Wahlen. Im zweiten Modell, das für die polnischen Befragten berechnet wurde, erweisen sich nur zwei der unabhängigen Variablen als signifikant, d.h. nur die Einschätzung der Effektivität der Wahl und die internalisierte Wahlnorm haben einen Einfluss auf die Wahlteilnahme. Von der Effektivitätseinstufung geht eine größere Erklärungskraft aus als von der Wahlnorm; in diesem Modell überwiegt folglich die Nutzenseite der Europawahl. Es kann gezeigt werden, dass die unterschiedlichen Beteiligungsraten in den beiden Staaten durch unterschiedlich stark ausgeprägte Defizite in den Bereichen des politischen Systems und der Wahlnorm zustande kommen. Die Defizite sind in Polen stärker ausgeprägt und können so die niedrigere Wahlbeteiligung erklären. Darüber hinaus kann resümiert werden, dass die Nutzenseite der Europawahl in Polen einen stärkeren Einfluss auf die Beteiligung ausübt als in Deutschland.
Resumo:
This article deals with the European minorities in the period between the two world wars and with their final expulsion from nation-states at the end of World War II. First, the tensions which arose between the organised minorities and the successor states of the Habsburg Monarchy are accounted for primarily by the argument that the various minorities located within the successor states had already undergone a comprehensive processes of nationalisation within the Habsburg Empire. Therefore they were able to resist assimilation by the political elites of the new titular nations (Czechs, Poles, Rumanians, Serbs). A second topic is that of the use made of the minorities issue by Adolf Hitler to help achieve his expansionist aims. The minorities issue was central to the international destabilisation of interwar Europe. Finally, the mass expulsion of minorities (above all, Germans) after the end of the war is explained by strategic considerations on the part of the Allied powers as well as involving the nation-state regimes. It is argued, against a commonly held view, that German atrocities during the period of occupation had little to do with the decision to expel most ethnic Germans from their territories of settlement in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. The article shows that it is necessary to treat national minorities in the first half of the twentieth century as a single phenomenon which shares similar features across the various nation-states of East-Central Europe.
Resumo:
Based on an ethnographic case study in the border cities of Frankfurt (Oder), Germany and Słubice, Poland, this article explores the construction and maintenance of ethnic difference within the transnational economic and social spaces created by the European Union's common market. Through an examination of three domains of cross-border citizenship practice - shopping and consumption, housing and work - this article argues that even as the European Union deploys policies aimed at creating de-territorialised and supranational forms of identity and citizenship, economic asymmetries and hierarchies of value embedded within these policies grant rights differentially in ways that continue to be linked to ethnicity and nationality.
Differential effects of long and short carbon nanotubes on the gas-exchange region of the mouse lung
Resumo:
Abstract We hypothesise that inflammatory response and morphological characteristics of lung parenchyma differ after exposure to short or long multi-walled carbon nanotubes (MWCNT). Mice were subjected to a single dose of vehicle, short or long MWCNT by pharyngeal aspiration. Bronchoalveolar lavage fluid (BALF) obtained at 24 h was analysed for inflammatory reaction and lung tissue was analysed for morphological alterations using stereology. Short MWCNT had stronger potential to induce polymorphonuclear cells whereas long MWCNT increased interleukin-6 levels in BALF. Alveolar septal fibrosis was only observed with short MWCNT. Type II pneumocyte hypertrophy was only detected with long MWCNT. There was no reduction in total alveolar surface area and no sign of type II cell hyperplasia. We observed mild inflammatory and pathological responses to short and long MWCNT in the lung parenchyma depending on the size of the applied MWCNT.
Resumo:
The aim of this thesis was to attempt to explain the inexplicable, thus coming to some concrete rationale as to why Murray was able to persevere unlike so many unfortunate victims who perished. The findings of this research attribute Murray's survival to three distinct categories; (1) Murray's geographical location and relationship to his hometown of Wierchomla, Poland (2) rare level of low anti-Semitic activity encountered and (3) a number of miscellaneous personal factors that included but are not limited to his diet, gender, age, psychological composition, family connections, agency, etc.
Resumo:
The progress in molecular genetics in animal breeding is moderately effective as compared to traditional animal breeding using quantitative genetic approaches. There is an extensive disparity between the number of reported quantitative trait loci (QTLs) and their linked genetic variations in cattle, pig, and chicken. The identification of causative mutations affecting quantitative traits is still very challenging and hampered by the cloudy relationship between genotype and phenotype. There are relatively few reports in which a successful identification of a causative mutation for an animal production trait was demonstrated. The examples that have attracted considerable attention from the animal breeding community are briefly summarized and presented in a table. In this mini-review, the recent progress in mapping quantitative trait nucleotides (QTNs) are reviewed, including the ABCG2 gene mutation that underlies a QTL for fat and protein content and the ovine MSTN gene mutation that causes muscular hypertrophy in Texel sheep. It is concluded that the progress in molecular genetics might facilitate the elucidation of the genetic architecture of QTLs, so that also the high-hanging fruits can be harvested in order to contribute to efficient and sustainable animal production.
Resumo:
This project looked at the nature, contents, methods, means and legal and political effects of the influence that constitutional courts exercise upon the legislative and executive powers in the newly established democracies of Central and Eastern Europe. The basic hypothesis was that these courts work to provide a limitation of political power within the framework of the principal constitutional values and that they force the legislature and executive to exercise their powers and duties in strict accordance with the constitution. Following a study of the documentary sources, including primarily the relevant constitutional and statutory provisions and decisions of constitutional courts, Mr. Cvetkovski prepared a questionnaire on various aspects of the topics researched and sent it to the respective constitutional courts. A series of direct interviews with court officials in six of the ten countries then served to clarify a large number of questions relating to differences in procedures etc. that arose from the questionnaires. As a final stage, the findings were compared with those described in recent publications on constitutional control in general and in Central and Eastern Europe in particular. The study began by considering the constitutional and political environment of the constitutional courts' activities in controlling legislative and executive powers, which in all countries studied are based on the principles of the rule of law and the separation of powers. All courts are separate bodies with special status in terms of constitutional law and are independent of other political and judicial institutions. The range of matters within their jurisdiction is set by the constitution of the country in question but in all cases can be exercised only with the framework of procedural rules. This gives considerable significance to the question of who sets these rules and different countries have dealt with it in different ways. In some there is a special constitutional law with the same legal force as the constitution itself (Croatia), the majority of countries allow for regulation by an ordinary law, Macedonia gives the court the autonomy to create and change its own rules of procedure, while in Hungary the parliament fixes the rules on procedure at the suggestion of the constitutional court. The question of the appointment of constitutional judges was also considered and of the mechanisms for ensuring their impartiality and immunity. In the area of the courts' scope for providing normative control, considerable differences were found between the different countries. In some cases the courts' jurisdiction is limited to the normative acts of the respective parliaments, and there is generally no provision for challenging unconstitutional omissions by legislation and the executive. There are, however, some situations in which they may indirectly evaluate the constitutionality of legislative omissions, as when the constitution contains provision for a time limit on enacting legislation, when the parliament has made an omission in drafting a law which violates the constitutional provisions, or when a law grants favours to certain groups while excluding others, thereby violating the equal protection clause of the constitution. The control of constitutionality of normative acts can be either preventive or repressive, depending on whether it is implemented before or after the promulgation of the law or other enactment being challenged. In most countries in the region the constitutional courts provide only repressive control, although in Hungary and Poland the courts are competent to perform both preventive and repressive norm control, while in Romania the court's jurisdiction is limited to preventive norm control. Most countries are wary of vesting constitutional courts with preventive norm control because of the danger of their becoming too involved in the day-to-day political debate, but Mr. Cvetkovski points out certain advantages of such control. If combined with a short time limit it can provide early clarification of a constitutional issue, secondly it avoids the problems arising if a law that has been in force for some years is declared to be unconstitutional, and thirdly it may help preserve the prestige of the legislation. Its disadvantages include the difficulty of ascertaining the actual and potential consequences of a norm without the empirical experience of the administration and enforcement of the law, the desirability of a certain distance from the day-to-day arguments surrounding the political process of legislation, the possible effects of changing social and economic conditions, and the danger of placing obstacles in the way of rapid reactions to acute situations. In the case of repressive norm control, this can be either abstract or concrete. The former is initiated by the supreme state organs in order to protect abstract constitutional order and the latter is initiated by ordinary courts, administrative authorities or by individuals. Constitutional courts cannot directly oblige the legislature and executive to pass a new law and this remains a matter of legislative and executive political responsibility. In the case of Poland, the parliament even has the power to dismiss a constitutional court decision by a special majority of votes, which means that the last word lies with the legislature. As the current constitutions of Central and Eastern European countries are newly adopted and differ significantly from the previous ones, the courts' interpretative functions should ensure a degree of unification in the application of the constitution. Some countries (Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Russia) provide for the constitutional courts' decisions to have a binding role on the constitutions. While their decisions inevitably have an influence on the actions of public bodies, they do not set criteria for political behaviour, which depends rather on the overall political culture and traditions of the society. All constitutions except that of Belarus, provide for the courts to have jurisdiction over conflicts arising from the distribution of responsibilities between different organs and levels in the country, as well for impeachment procedures against the head of state, and for determining the constitutionality of political parties (except in Belarus, Hungary, Russia and Slovakia). All the constitutions studied guarantee individual rights and freedoms and most courts have jurisdiction over complaints of violation of these rights by the constitution. All courts also have some jurisdiction over international agreements and treaties, either directly (Belarus, Bulgaria and Hungary) before the treaty is ratified, or indirectly (Croatia, Czech Republic, Macedonia, Romania, Russia and Yugoslavia). In each country the question of who may initiate proceedings of norm control is of central importance and is usually regulated by the constitution itself. There are three main possibilities: statutory organs, normal courts and private individuals and the limitations on each of these is discussed in the report. Most courts are limited in their rights to institute ex officio a full-scale review of a point of law, and such rights as they do have rarely been used. In most countries courts' decisions do not have any binding force but must be approved by parliament or impose on parliament the obligation to bring the relevant law into conformity within a certain period. As a result, the courts' position is generally weaker than in other countries in Europe, with parliament remaining the supreme body. In the case of preventive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality may act to suspend the law and or to refer it back to the legislature, where in countries such as Romania it may even be overturned by a two-thirds majority. In repressive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality generally serves to take the relevant law out of legal force from the day of publication of the decision or from another date fixed by the court. If the law is annulled retrospectively this may or may not bring decisions of criminal courts under review, depending on the provisions laid down in the relevant constitution. In cases relating to conflicts of competencies the courts' decisions tend to be declaratory and so have a binding effect inter partes. In the case of a review of an individual act, decisions generally become effective primarily inter partes but is the individual act has been based on an unconstitutional generally binding normative act of the legislature or executive, the findings has quasi-legal effect as it automatically initiates special proceedings in which the law or other regulation is to be annulled or abrogated with effect erga omnes. This wards off further application of the law and thus further violations of individual constitutional rights, but also discourages further constitutional complaints against the same law. Thus the success of one individual's complaint extends to everyone else whose rights have equally been or might have been violated by the respective law. As the body whose act is repealed is obliged to adopt another act and in doing so is bound by the legal position of the constitutional court on the violation of constitutionally guaranteed freedoms and rights of the complainant, in this situation the decision of the constitutional court has the force of a precedent.