Transformation and continuity of the Argentine welfare state -- evaluating social security reform in the 1990s

Beginning after World War II, Argentina institutionalized a limited conservative corporatist welfare state where occupation-linked social insurance held a central position and social assistance had a residual character. This was called a limited conservative corporatist welfare state, because the huge population within the informal sector was excluded from the main system. A populist government supported by trade unions and the economic model of import-substituting industrialization were the background for the formation of this type of welfare state. During the 1990s, elements of a liberal regime were added to the Argentine welfare state under the reform carried out by the Menem Peronist government. However, social insurance reform and labor reform were not as drastic as the economic reform. They still retained a certain continuity from the traditional systems. The government intended to carry out more drastic social security and labor reform, but was unable to do so due to the legacy of corporatism of the Peronist government.

Influence of Social Institutions on Inequality in China

This study analyses the impact of changes in social institutions, i.e. in the informal and formal social security system, on income inequality in China. This study uses an inequality decomposition analysis approach comparing household survey data for 1988 with 1995.Three main results emerge from the analysis: first, it findsthat the family based social security is losing its importance mainly through the changes in employment pattern in a household. This change contributes to rising income inequality. Second, thestudy shows that the introduction of new formal social security system helped to equalise the distribution of retired household members' income in urban areas in 1995. Third, however, these changes have only benefited a restricted number of persons. Benefits for rural migrants are low and most of the rural population has still no access to the new system.

Social involvement for community development in rural areas of Cuenca, Spain

Community development must be accompanied by a social involvement process which creates functional groups of citizens capable of taking responsibility for their own development. It is important that this process promotes the structuring of all population groups and provides the appropriate institutional and technical support. The present paper addresses these issues based on over 25 years of experience by the Association Instituto de Desarrollo Comunitario de Cuenca in revitalizing rural areas of the Spanish province of Cuenca. This paper analyses the social involvement process encouraged by this association, the relationships between public institutions and local associations, the role of these associations and the difficulties encountered in the rural areas. The long-term perspective of this experience provides some keys which can be used to successfully support the process of social involvement ―such as information on its characteristics and methodological tools―, establish local associations and create sustainable partnerships that foster the growth of leadership within the community development process.

Gender differences of the spanish adult population in barriers to active living

Social research on the needs, barriers and innovations in sport and physical activities to adult women in Spain

Barreras para la práctica de actividad física y deportiva en las personas adultas de la Comunidad de Madrid. Desarrollo y validación de un instrumento

El propósito de este estudio fue la construcción y validación de un instrumento de medición de barreras a la práctica de la actividad física y deportiva por parte de las personas adultas desde la teoría ecológico social y analizar la presencia de las diferentes barreras así como las innovaciones y alternativas de conciliación a las barreras relacionadas con el empleo, el cuidado de hijos e hijas y las tareas del hogar, identificando las posibles diferencias existentes en función del género y del tipo de demanda en la población adulta de la Comunidad de Madrid. Se ha realizado un estudio cuantitativo, descriptivo y transversal en una muestra representativa de la población residente en la Comunidad de Madrid entre 30 y 64 años. El tipo de muestreo fue probabilístico, de tipo polietápico según tamaño demográfico de municipio y género, con un margen de error del ± 5,27% y un intervalo de confianza del 95,5%. El tamaño de la muestra final fue de 360 personas (50,3% mujeres, 49,7% hombres), quienes completaron un cuestionario estructurado mediante entrevista personal cara a cara en su domicilio entre octubre y diciembre de 2011, que incluía una escala de barreras específica, así como sub-cuestionarios de innovaciones y alternativas de conciliación vinculados a los tres ítems relacionados con el empleo, cuidado de hijos e hijas y hogar de la escala de barreras. La escala de barreras fue completada por las personas practicantes de actividad física y deportiva que deseaban realizar otra actividad, es decir, por la Demanda Establecida, así como por las personas no practicantes pero deseosas de hacerlo o Demanda Latente, y las personas no practicantes no interesadas en practicar o Demanda Ausente (n=246). Las personas que alcanzaron elevadas puntuaciones en los tres ítems de la escala de barreras vinculados al empleo, cuidado de hijos e hijas y hogar, completaron sub-cuestionarios específicos de innovaciones y alternativas de conciliación vinculados a estas barreras. Para el estudio métrico de los ítems y la dimesionalidad de la escala de barreras se llevaron a cabo análisis descriptivos de los ítems, análisis correlacionales y análisis factoriales exploratorios (AFE). Como resultado se obtuvo una escala de barreras constituida por 13 ítems que explicaron el 59,1% de la variabilidad total de los datos, agrupados en cuatro dimensiones denominadas: Barreras Interpersonales (2 ítems), Barreras Individuales (4 ítems), Barreras Comunidad-Institucionales (4 ítems) y Barreras Obligaciones-Tiempo (3 ítems). Los datos de la escala de barreras y los sub-cuestionarios de innovaciones y alternativas de conciliación fueron analizados con el SPSS v. 18. Para la comparación de variables cuantitativas y ordinales se utilizaron ANOVAS de dos factores (género por tipo de demanda), el tamaño del efecto para esta prueba se cuantificó mediante eta cuadrado. Los resultados se expresaron como porcentajes para las variables nominales y como medias y desviaciones típicas para las variables ordinales y cuantitativas. El nivel de riesgo se fijó en 0,05. El instrumento presentó una fiabilidad aceptable (α=0,58) en consonancia con el modelo ecológico social presentando dimensiones que explicaron los niveles de influencia de las diferentes esferas. Los resultados obtenidos permitieron avalar tanto la adecuación de las propiedades psicométricas de los ítems, así como la validez y fiabilidad de la escala de barreras para la práctica de actividad física y deportiva. Los distintos análisis realizados han aportado evidencia de la validez de una estructura de cuatro dimensiones acorde a los planteamientos teóricos previos de los modelos ecológicos sociales. En la dimensión barreras Individuales se identificaron diferencias según el tipo de demanda (F2,237=40,28; p<0,001; η2=0,25) y el género (F1,237=8,72; p<0,01; η2=0,84). En la dimensión barreras Interpersonales se identificaron diferencias de género (F1,239 =14,9; p<0,01; η2=0,06) pero no entre demandas (F2,239=2,35; p>0,05; 1-β=0,47). En la dimensión Barreras Obligaciones-Tiempo se identificaron diferencias en función del tipo de demanda (F2,239=3,88; p<0,05; η2=0,03) sin presentar diferencias entre hombres y mujeres (F1,239=1,06; p>0,05; 1-β=0,18). Por último, en la dimensión Comunidad Institucionales, se identificaron diferencias en función del tipo de demanda (F2,240=5,69; p<0,01; η2=0,045) y no hubo diferencias en función del género (F1,240=0,65; p>0,05; 1-β=0,13). Las innovaciones y alternativas de conciliación relacionadas con el empleo más valoradas fueron la de flexibilidad en los horarios de trabajo y adecuación de horarios; las más valoradas relacionadas con la barrera cuidado de hijos fueron que en la instalación deportiva se ofertaran actividades físicas conjuntas, en las en las que pudiesen participar madres e hijos y que la instalación deportiva ofreciera, en el mismo horario, actividades para ellos y sus hijos, y, por último, las más valoradas en relación con las tareas del hogar, una mayor implicación de la pareja seguida por una mayor implicación de los hijos. ABSTRACT The objectives of this study were to build and validate an instrument to measure the barriers of adult people to the practice of sport and physical activities from the perspective of the social-ecological theory, analyse the presence of the different barriers, as well as the innovations and alternatives regarding conciliation with work and the care of children and home as barriers, identifying the possible differences that exist based on gender and the type of demand of the adult population within the Community of Madrid. For this, a quantitative, descriptive and transversal study was carried out on a representative sample of the resident population of the Community of Madrid, ages ranging from 30 to 64 years old. Given that is an infinite or very large population, and working with an interval of confidence of the 95,5%, and assuming in the population variance, the worst case of p equal to q, the margin of sampling error was ± 5,27. The sample consisted of 360 people (50,3% women, 49,7% men), who completed a questionnaire during face-to-face personal interviews between October and December 2011. The questionnaire included a scale of specific barriers, as well as sub-questionnaires on the innovations and alternatives linked to the three items regarding work, the care of children and home of the barriers scale. The barriers scale was completed by people who practice physical and sport activities and wanted to do other activities, i.e. by the Established Demand; by people who do not practice these activities but would like to do so, i.e. Latent Demand; and by people who do not practice these activities and have no desire to do so, i.e. Absent Demand (n=246). The people who peaked on the three items of the barriers scale regarding work, the care of children and home, then completed specific sub-questionnaires on the innovations and alternatives for conciliation related to these barriers. The metric study of the items and the dimensionality of the barriers scale was carried out through descriptive analyses of the items, as well as correlation analyses and exploratory factor analyses (EFA). This resulted in a barriers scale composed of 13 items that explained 59,1% of the total variability of the data, grouped in four dimensions as follows: Interpersonal Barriers (2 items), Individual Barriers (4 items), Community-Institutional Barriers (4 items) and Obligations-Time Barriers (3 items). The data obtained from the barriers scale and sub-questionnaires on the innovations and alternatives for conciliation were analyzed using software SPSS v. 18. Two-way ANOVA (gender by type of demand) was used for the comparison of quantitative and ordinal variables, and the effect size for this test was quantified with eta squared. The results were expressed as percentages for nominal variables, and as means and standard deviations for quantitative and ordinal variables. The level of risk was set at 0,05. The instrument showed an acceptable reliability (α=0,58) in line with the social-ecological model, providing dimensions that explained the influence levels of the different spheres. The results obtained establish both the adaptation of the psychometric properties of the items, and the validity and reliability of the barriers scale for the practice of physical and sport activities. The different analyses have supported the validity of a four-dimensional structure consistent with the previous theoretical approaches on the social-ecological models, while showing adequate statistical indices. The differences identified in the Individual Barriers dimension were based on the type of demand (F2,237=40,28; p<0,001; η2=0,25) and gender (F1,237=8,72; p<0,01; η2=0,84). The differences identified in the Interpersonal Barriers dimension were based on gender (F1,239 =14,9; p<0,01; η2=0,06) but not on demand (F2,239=2,35; p>0,05; 1-β=0,47). The differences identified for the Obligations-Time Barriers dimension were based on the type of demand (F2,239=3,88; p<0,05; η2=0,03) and did not show differences between men and women (F1,239=1,06; p>0,05; 1-β=0,18). Finally, the differences identified for the Community-Institutional Barriers dimension were based on the type of demand (F2,240=5,69; p<0,01; η2=0,045) and provided no differences based on gender (F1,240=0,65; p>,05; 1-β=0,13). The most valued innovations and alternatives for conciliation regarding work were the adaptation and flexibility of working hours and timetables; the most valued related to the care of children were the offer of joint activities for adults and children in sport centres, as well as separate activities within the same timetable; and, finally, the most valued regarding the home was a higher degree of participation and involvement on the part of the spouse or partner, followed by a higher degree of participation and involvement on the part of the children.

Terremoto 2010 en Chile y vivienda social: resultados y aprendizajes para recomendación de políticas públicas

El territorio chileno esta propenso, desde antes que se constituyera como nación, al impacto del comportamiento de la naturaleza que le es inherente y que también le produce daños. Está representado en los seísmos, los más dañinos. Todavía, la sociedad chilena no termina de comprender que esos daños, son parte de un desequilibrio de una convivencia armoniosa entre ella y esa naturaleza, puesto que el ser humano que vive y habita sobre ella, también lo es. Así entonces, cada vez que el territorio y su espacio son remecidos por los seísmos, la naturaleza, manifestada en la sociedad, adquiere nuevos aprendizajes para mejorar la respuesta al próximo evento. El terremoto 2010 de 8.8° Richter, fue el segundo de mayor magnitud después del otro que hasta ahora, es el más grande del planeta, y que pudo ser medido. Aquel, fue el terremoto de Valdivia de 9,5° Richter, ocurrido el 22 de mayo de 1960. Las sociedades no son estáticas, cambian, son dinámicas. Esta vez el seísmo del 2010, ocurrió en una sociedad que hace ya 35 años, adoptó un modelo de economía de libre mercado. La pobreza que tenía a 1990, era de aproximadamente, un 40%. La del 2010, de un 14%. Durante la dictadura militar hubo otro seísmo de 7,8° Richter, recién instalándose el modelo aludido. El del 2010, permite sacar conclusiones en el contexto de este modelo económico. Los resultados aparentemente son interesantes en cuanto a que hubo pocas víctimas pero por otra parte, hubo un gran daño económico. La tesis profundiza en el impacto del seísmo en la dimensión del parque habitacional construido y de la vivienda social y en los habitantes más pobres y vulnerables. Es la primera investigación sobre seísmos y vivienda social en Chile. Se asume la hipótesis que ciertas variables por una parte, y una cultura antisísmica por otra, están presentes y han penetrado en los sectores populares durante los últimos 50 años y que ello, podría estar en la base de los resultados obtenidos. Se plantea una suerte de “matrimonio bien avenido” entre el habitante y políticas públicas en vivienda. De ello, se derivan recomendaciones para mejorar los avances en el problema investigado que se contextualizan en referencia al marco teórico elaborado. Sin embargo, y no obstante lo investigado, lo ya avanzado no garantiza buenos resultados en el próximo evento, Por ello, los aprendizajes nutren a otros, nuevos, que acompañarán a la sociedad chilena en su esencia e identidad como nación. ABSTRACT Long before its establishment as an independent nation, the Chilean territory has been prone to the impact of nature, which is an inherent and damaging feature of this land. Such an impact is represented by earthquakes, which are regarded as the most damaging natural disasters. Today, the Chilean society is still unable to understand that these impacts are part of an unbalanced coexistence between individuals and nature since human beings, who live and inhabit this space, are also an element of nature. Therefore, each time this territory is hit by earthquakes, nature —represented by society— learns new lessons in order to provide a better response to future events. The 2010 earthquake, which rated 8.8 on the Richter scale, was the second largest earthquake after the most powerful earthquake ever recorded. Such an event was the Valdivia earthquake of May 22, 1960, which rated 9.5 on the Richter scale. Societies are not static as they are changing and dynamic. The 2010 earthquake took place within a context in which society operated under a free market economy model that had been running for 35 years. As of 1990, 40 per cent of the population lived in poverty; in 2010, such a figure was reduced to 14 per cent. Likewise, a magnitude 7.8 quake struck the country during the military regime period in the early days of the above model. The 2010 earthquake allows us to draw some conclusions within the context of this economic model. Results are interesting since there were few fatalities but significant economic loss. This thesis provides insights into the impact of the 2010 earthquake on the housing stock, social housing and those living in poverty and vulnerability. This is the first research on earthquakes and social housing conducted in Chile. The hypothesis is that certain variables and anti-seismic culture have permeated popular segments of the population over the last 50 years. The latter may be at the basis of the results obtained during this research. Likewise, this study proposes a certain “happy marriage” between the inhabitant and public policies on housing. The above offers some recommendations intended to further explore this issue; these suggestions are contextualized according to the theoretical framework developed in this research. However, current progress on this matter does not ensure positive results in the event of an earthquake. This is why these lessons will serve as models for future events, which are intrinsically tied to local society and Chilean identity.

Re-Ocupación y/o Re-Construcción de estructuras urbanas en desuso y su conexión con el espacio público y el paisaje

Los nuevos comportamientos urbanos nos permiten observar cada vez con más frecuencia en nuestras calles y plazas realidades que siempre habíamos considerado domésticas. Al contrario también pasa, todos los días vivimos en nuestras casas situaciones que implican relacionarnos con personas que no son de nuestro núcleo familiar. El diseño doméstico de nuestras ciudades y el urbanismo del diseño de interiores parecen herramientas oportunas en el mundo que nos ha tocado vivir. Esto nos lleva a pensar que los espacios públicos y privados son términos simplificados, definidos en base a conceptos de propiedad para organizar la ciudad. En cambio, sus usos y vivencias, su gestión y sus comportamientos se han complejizado, distorsionando la terminología convencional hasta hacerla obsoleta. En este contexto, considerado también el marco socioeconómico actual, surgen las “acciones de abajo a arriba” como nuevo paradigma o modelo de renovación urbana, que entienden la involucración del ciudadano como parte activa en el proceso de construcción de la urbe desde la misma gestación del proyecto, frente a las acciones habituales que consideran al usuario como mero receptor de las propuestas. Un ciudadano que parece estar cada vez más radicalizado y una administración que parece asustarse ante el desconcierto que el acercamiento al ciudadano puede acarrear, han ocasionado por un lado, espacios “gueto” de carácter casi anárquico y, por el otro lado, lugares tan institucionalizados que derivan en espacios asociados a la administración y ajenos al ciudadano. Por ello, se considera imprescindible la colaboración entre ambos poderes. De acuerdo con el discurso que precede, dentro de un marco comparativo, se estudian 5 supuestos seleccionados de las ciudades Madrid y Zaragoza. Madrid porque es referencia nacional e internacional en el desarrollo urbano a través de procesos ‘abajo arriba’. Zaragoza porque es una ciudad ‘media’ que históricamente no se ha definido por estrategias urbanas claras, ya sean de carácter social o institucional. Sin embargo, en el momento actual se pueden identificar planteamientos relacionados con la recuperación de construcciones y espacios vacantes que pueden ser determinantes a la hora de alcanzar equilibrios con los intensos procesos institucionales acaecidos en las dos últimas décadas. De los procesos urbanos registrados en cada lugar, desarrollados en construcciones y espacios vacantes, he seleccionado: Construcciones Vacantes Madrid |Tabacalera de Lavapiés Zaragoza | Antiguo I.E.S. Luis Buñuel y antiguo Convento de Mínimos Espacios Vacantes Madrid | Campo de Cebada [solar] Zaragoza | Patio ‘antiguo I.E.S. Luis Buñuel [espacio libre] y plaza Eduardo Ibarra [espacio libre] El proyecto de investigación ha partido de las hipótesis de partida que siguen: UNA… Las ‘acciones de abajo arriba’ o renovación desde abajo no tienen cabida como elementos urbanos aislados sino conectados entre sí, posibilitando la producción de sinergias y la construcción de la ciudad; pudiendo ser consideradas acciones de desarrollo y enlace urbano, pues su objetivo es convertirse en motores del espacio público. Cuestión que es aplicable al resto de los procesos o acciones urbanas [‘horizontales’ o ‘institucionales’] DOS… La capacidad de adaptación manifestada por las ‘acciones de abajo arriba’ implica un marco ideológico de referencia asociado a la importancia de la construcción con mínimos recursos [Re-ocupación y/o Re- Construcción de estructuras urbanas en desuso] en los procesos urbanos descritos, como vía para comprender los concepto sostenibilidad y calidad figurativa de lo construido. Cuestión que es aplicable a la recuperación de aquellos aspectos de la arquitectura que la convierten en necesaria para la sociedad. Y tiene como objetivo: Identificar modelos de sostenibilidad urbana como una estrategia que va de lo individual a lo colectivo y que se transmite fundamentalmente con la acción, mezclando la innovación y la tecnología en múltiples ámbitos, utilizando los recursos naturales e intelectuales de una manera eficiente y entendiendo la inteligencia humana y sobre todo la inteligencia colectiva, como principio y justificación. Se han analizado los siguientes aspectos: sociales [participación ciudadana e implicación de la administración pública], urbanos [conexiones con otros colectivos o espacios urbanos / transformaciones urbanas a través de los procesos de gestión utilizados], constructivos [materiales utilizados en la re-construcción de construcciones y espacios vacantes / sistemas constructivos utilizados] y los relacionados con la sostenibilidad [sostenibilidad económica / sostenibilidad de mantenimiento / sostenibilidad funcional / inteligencia colectiva] El estudio de los aspectos considerados se ha desarrollado con las herramientas metodológicas siguientes: Entrevistas abiertas a expertos: se han obtenido respuestas de 25 personas expertas [5 por cada espacio o construcción vacante] relacionadas con las acciones urbanas sostenibles, la cultura y las relaciones sociales, y que también conocen los lugares y su entorno desde los puntos de vista urbano y construido. Son ‘tipos ideales’ asociados a uno de los cinco poderes que se manifiestan en la ciudad: el poder educativo [la universidad], el poder creativo [la cultura], el poder administrativo [la política], el poder empresarial [la empresa privada] y los usuarios [un usuario activo y representativo de cada lugar elegido que haya intervenido en la gestación del proceso]. Han sido personas que conocían el tejido social y urbano de la ciudad de Zaragoza y Madrid, ya que la herramienta ‘entrevista abierta a expertos’, recoge datos y opiniones planteadas en las construcciones y espacios vacantes ubicados en Zaragoza y Madrid. Entrevistas cerradas a usuarios: como la población de usuarios que se somete a la investigación es infinita o muy grande, resulta imposible o inconveniente realizar la obtención de los datos sobre todos aquellos elementos que la forman. Por lo tanto, he decidido estudiar sólo una parte de la población que denomino ‘tipos ideales’, obteniendo respuestas de 150 usuarios [30 personas por cada espacio o construcción vacante]. La selección de grupos de personas entrevistadas, debe permitir que los resultados sean representativos de la población total de usuarios. Además, la elección de ‘tipos ideales’ se ha identificado con los vecinos de los núcleos urbanos [o barrios] en los que se ubican las construcciones o espacios vacantes analizados. Observación estructurada: recoger información a través de la observación me ha permitido conocer las actuaciones y comportamientos de los ciudadanos en el medio urbano. Esto ha facilitado el estudio del medio a nivel práctico, valorando el uso que la sociedad da a las construcciones y a los espacios vacantes analizados. Es importante posicionar la estrategia en relación con el tema de investigación propuesto. Una estrategia que dibuje un panorama plural, desarrollado a través de herramientas sociales y constructivas que permitan que la arquitectura hable de cosas parecidas a lo que interesa a la ciudadanía. Para ello, propuse un catálogo de herramientas arquitectónicas que han permitido evaluar todas las propuestas. Un contexto de estrategias comunes que han descrito con los mismos códigos las distintas actuaciones analizadas. Estas herramientas tocan diferentes campos de interés. Desde las partes más tectónicas y constructivas, hasta las más ligadas con el desarrollo urbanístico y social. Acciones de participación colectiva: Experiencias o laboratorios urbanos participados por los alumnos del grado de arquitectura de la UNIZAR y los agentes sociales. Las acciones son una herramienta propositiva. Investigar y analizar proponiendo ha permitido que el análisis del contexto pueda llegar a capas de mucha más profundidad. No se ha trabajado estableciendo jerarquías de profesores y alumnos, sino que se ha intentado posibilitar la conexión de distintos agentes que trabajan coordinadamente durante el tiempo que han durado las acciones. Por un lado esto ha permite que cada integrante haya aportado al grupo lo que mejor sabe hacer y de la misma manera, que cada uno pueda aprender aquello de lo que tenga más ganas… y reflexionar sobre determinados aspectos objeto del análisis. Una vez interpretados los resultados, obtenidos a través de las herramientas metodológicas referenciadas, se ha concluido lo que sigue: Respecto de la Hipótesis de partida UNO LAS ACCIONES ‘ABAJO ARRIBA’ han revelado que no se puede entender ningún proceso de gestión urbana fuera de la participación ciudadana. El ‘ESPACIO LIBRE’ de una ciudad necesita lugares de autogestión, espacios de cogestión, movimientos de ‘arriba abajo’ y también modelos que todavía no sabemos ni que existen. LAS ACCIONES INSTITUCIONALES ‘ARRIBA ABAJO’ han demostrado que no han presentado permeabilidad ni relación con las circulaciones de entorno. Tampoco han tenido en cuenta a otras muchas personas, ‘usuarios productores’, a las que les interesan los procesos de búsqueda y las fórmulas de conexión más interactivas. Respecto de la hipótesis de partida DOS LAS ACCIONES ‘ABAJO ARRIBA’ han revelado que el ‘derecho a la ciudad’, paradigma defendido por Lefebvre desde el cual se piensa el urbanismo ciudadano, en estos supuestos podría entenderse como el ‘derecho a la infraestructura’. El ESPACIO LIBRE es infraestructura y se quiere para infraestructurar los derechos de cada uno. Y aunque también es verdad que estas acciones son simples destellos, han hecho visible otro paradigma de gestión y propuesta urbana que puede ser predominante en un futuro próximo. LAS ACCIONES INSTITUCIONALES ‘ARRIBA ABAJO’ han revelado que las intervenciones estuvieron enfocadas únicamente a la resolución de los procesos constructivos y a la incorporación del programa como un dato ‘problema’ que era necesario resolver para evitar la afección al diseño. ABSTRACT The new urban ways of behaviour let us watch more and more frequently in our streets and squares, realities that we had always considered as domestic. This also happens the other way round. Every day we have to go through situations at home which imply relationships with people who don’t belong to our family circle. The domestic design of our cities and the urban planning of indoor design seem to be adequate tools in the world we have to live in. This leads us to think that public and private spaces are simplified terms, defined according to concepts of property in order to organise the city. On the other hand, its uses and the experiences of people, its management and ways of behaviour is now more complex, changing the conventional terminology that has become outdated. In this context, ‘bottom-up’ actions arise as a new paradigm or model of urban renewal. These actions consider the active role of social participation in the process of building up the city from the very beginning, in comparison with the former way of acting that considered the user as mere receptor of the proposals. A citizen who seems to become more and more radical, and an administration that seems to be afraid of the unknown, have created both almost anarchic ghetto spaces and, on the other hand, spaces which have been so institutionalised that derive into areas associated to the administration but alienated from the citizen. For this reason, cowork of both forces is considered as crucial. In accordance with the above mentioned ideas and within a comparative framework, five situations chosen from the cities of Madrid and Zaragoza are studied. Madrid because is a national and international reference in urban development that uses “bottom-up” processes. Zaragoza because is a “medium-size” city that, historically, has not been defined by clear social or institutional urban strategies. Nevertheless, at the present time we can identify approaches on the recovery of constructions and empty areas that may be determining for reaching a balance with the intense institutional processes that have taken place in the two last decades. From the urban processes registered in every place and developed in vacant areas and constructions, I have chosen: Vacant constructions Madrid | Lavapiés Tobacco Factory Zaragoza | Old Secondary School Luis Buñuel and old Convent of the Minimos Vacant areas Madrid | Campo de Cebada [non-built site]. Zaragoza | Old courtyard of the secondary school and Eduardo Ibarra square [free space] The research project has been issued from the following starting hypotheses: ONE… “Bottom-up actions” or renewal from below have no place as isolated urban elements but as connected parts that can produce synergies and the construction of the city, and that can also be considered as actions producing urban development and links. This can also be applied to the rest of urban processes or actions [‘horizontal’ or ‘institutional’]. TWO… The capacity of adaptation shown by “bottom-up actions” implies an ideological framework of reference which is related to the importance of construction with minimal resources (re-occupation and/or reconstruction of urban structures in disuse) in the above mentioned urban processes, as a way for understanding the concepts of sustainability and the representational quality of what has been constructed. This can also be applied to the recovery of those architectural aspects that make architecture necessary for society. And its objective is: Identify models of urban sustainability as a strategy going from the individual to the collective, which are mainly transferred by action and that mix innovation and technology in many fields. Models that use natural and intellectual resources in an efficient way, and understand human intelligence and, above all, collective intelligence, as principle and justification. The following aspects have been analysed: social [civic participation and involvement of the public Administration], urban [connections with other collectives or urban spaces / urban transformation by the processes of administration used], constructive [materials used for the re-construction of empty spaces / construction systems used] and those focusing on sustainability [economic sustainability /maintenance sustainability /functional sustainability / collective intelligence]. For researching into the above mentioned aspects, the following methodological tools have been developed: Open interviews with experts: answers from 25 experts have been obtained [five for every vacant space or empty construction] on sustainable urban actions, culture and social relations, who also know the places and their environment from an urban and constructive point of view. These are “ideal types” linked to one of the five powers acting in the city: the educational power [University], the creative power [culture], the administration power [politics], the corporate power [private companies] and the users [an active and representative user for every place selected during the establishment of the process]. They were people who knew the social and urban fabric of Zaragoza and Madrid, since the “open interview for experts” tool collects data and points of view set out in vacant constructions and spaces of Zaragoza and Madrid. Close interviews with users: as the number of users targeted for the research is very big or infinite, it is impossible or inconvenient to get data from all its constituent parts. Therefore, I have decided to research into the part of the population that I call “ideal types”, obtaining answers from 150 users [30 people for every empty space or construction]. The selection of the groups of people interviewed must produce results which are representative of the total population of users. Furthermore, the election of “ideal types” has been identified with the inhabitants of urban areas [or city districts] in which the vacant spaces or constructions analysed are located. A structured observation: I have known the actions and ways of behaving of the citizens in the urban environment by means of collecting information after observation. Therefore, the practical research into the target environment has been easier by valuing the use that society gives to the empty constructions and spaces analysed. It is important to position the strategy with respect to the research subject proposed. It involves a strategy able to get an overview of a plural landscape, developed by social and constructive tools, allowing architecture to talk about topics which are interesting for city dwellers. Therefore, I proposed a set of architectural tools to evaluate all the proposals. A context of common strategies describing the different actions analysed by using the same codes. These tools focus on different fields of interests, from the most tectonic and constructive parts, to the most related to urban and social development. Actions on collective participation: experiences or urban laboratories shared by the students of architecture of the University of Zaragoza and social agents. The actions are a proactive tool. Researching and analysing by means of proposing, has allowed me to analyse the context and much deeper layers. This work has not been done by establishing ranks of professors and student, but trying to get an interaction between the different agents who work in close coordination during the implementation of the actions. This has allowed every agent to contribute the group what they do the best, and also every individual has had the possibility to learn what s/he prefers…, thinking about the different aspects targeted by the analysis. Once the different methodological tools have been interpreted, this is the conclusion: With regard to the initial hypothesis ONE “BOTTOM-UP” ACTIONS have proven that no process of urban management can be understood outside civic participation. The “FREE SPACE” of a city needs self-managed places, co-managed spaces, “up-bottom” movements, and also models whose existence is still ignored. “UP-BOTTOM” INSTITUTIONAL ACTIONS have proven that they have not presented neither permeability nor relation with local ideas. They have also disregarded many other people, the “usersproducers”, who are interested in the most interactive means of searching and connecting processes. With regard to the initial hypothesis TWO Under these premises, “BOTTOM-UP” ACTIONS have shown that the “right to the city”, a paradigm defended by Lefebvre and from which citizen-focused urbanism is conceived, could be considered as a “right to the infrastructures”. A FREE SPACE is an infrastructure and must be used to “infrastructure” the rights of every citizen. And, even though it is true that these actions are mere flashes, they have made visible another paradigm of management and urban proposal that can be prevailing in a near future. “UP-BOTTOM” INSTITUTIONAL ACTIONS have revealed that the interventions have only focused on resolving construction processes and the incorporation of the program as a “problem” data that was necessary to resolve in order to avoid its influence on the design.

The anatomy of urban social networks and its implications in the searchability problem

The appearance of large geolocated communication datasets has recently increased our understanding of how social networks relate to their physical space. However, many recurrently reported properties, such as the spatial clustering of network communities, have not yet been systematically tested at different scales. In this work we analyze the social network structure of over 25 million phone users from three countries at three different scales: country, provinces and cities. We consistently find that this last urban scenario presents significant differences to common knowledge about social networks. First, the emergence of a giant component in the network seems to be controlled by whether or not the network spans over the entire urban border, almost independently of the population or geographic extension of the city. Second, urban communities are much less geographically clustered than expected. These two findings shed new light on the widely-studied searchability in self-organized networks. By exhaustive simulation of decentralized search strategies we conclude that urban networks are searchable not through geographical proximity as their country-wide counterparts, but through an homophily-driven community structure.

O PODER DE ZEFERINA NO QUILOMBO DO URUBU UMA RECONSTRUÇÃO HISTÓRICA POLÍTICO-SOCIAL

Os ideais de liberdade exigiram do povo negro diferenciadas práticas para romper com o sistema escravista. Eram as rebeliões em navios, os atos de infanticídio, os justiçamentos dos feitores, as revoltas, além de participações em movimentos libertários e formações de quilombos. Dentre estas formas de organização, o quilombo foi fenômeno essencial nos mais de 300 anos de escravismo no Brasil. Em cada região existiam quilombos, pois para a população negra, cativa ou não, esse era o melhor meio de alcançar a liberdade, um meio coletivo para enfrentar o sistema. O Quilombo do Urubu representou a insistência em garantir a condição humana que o regime escravista negava, sobretudo às mulheres, aos homens e às crianças negras. Essa era uma força que saía de suas entranhas como grito de liberdade, configurada nas fugas em busca de um lugar que lhes assegurasse aproximação de uma vida digna e que pudessem orgulhar-sedo seu porte físico e da sua cultura. Todo esse desprendimento, além de uma força física, exigia um completo conhecimento histórico e espiritual, resguardado pela religiosidade que fortalecia seus espíritos para lutar contra toda negação de humanidade do século XIX no subúrbio da capital baiana. A líder Zeferina, inconformada com a exclusão social de seu povo negro, e entusiasmada pelo poder de herança de ancestralidade, pelo conhecimento de raiz da cultura matrilinear angolana, pelo profundo conhecimento histórico de resistência da rainha Nzinga Mbandi e pela tradição de quilombolas e guerreiras, viveu e lutou pelo sonho de liberdade. Hoje, a chama desse poder é mantida acesa na caminhada de celebração do 20 de novembro pela comunidade de Pirajá e arredores, enquanto referencial de resistência negra na luta contra as exclusões sociais vigentes.(AU)

VOLTAR À ESCOLA: O PERFIL SOCIAL E AS EXPECTATIVAS DE ALUNOS DA EDUCAÇÃO DE JOVENS E ADULTOS

A idéia de voltar a estudar, buscando uma escolarização considerada como perdida, ganha sentido quando se apresenta não apenas como uma forma reparadora para aqueles que não tiveram acesso a escola na idade certa, mas também como uma necessidade de inserção ao espaço contemporâneo do trabalho e da sociedade, vinculado a um grau mais elevado de escolarização que estimule o prosseguimento dos estudos na busca de ascensão social e profissional. Essa verificação mostra-se contrária a muitos estudos já apresentados, pois normalmente vemos a Educação de Jovens e Adultos como um bálsamo que suprirá todos os problemas sociais e econômicos de uma clientela desfavorecida e insegura de sua capacidade de aprendizagem e com históricos frustrantes de escolarização. Este trabalho objetiva apresentar uma pesquisa empírica sobre a trajetória escolar de 88 alunos da Educação de Jovens e Adultos (EJA) do ensino fundamental II (5ª a 8ª série) e do ensino médio, realizada em uma escola da periferia da cidade de São Bernardo do Campo, no estado de São Paulo, mostrando as relações existentes entre o fracasso e o sucesso que a volta à escola pode propiciar, assim como a análise dos ascendentes e descendentes em relação à escolarização e a escolha profissional. A pesquisa apresenta-se dividida em duas partes, sendo a primeira constituída de informações sobre os alunos, seus pais, filhos e irmãos e a segunda compreendida por duas partes, em que se vêem quantitativamente os motivos do abandono e do retorno à escola e por textos descritivos (redações) dos alunos pesquisados, seus desejos e aspirações, frustrações e sonhos, propondo análises sobre a escolarização e a continuidade de estudos e a necessidade desse retorno à escola. O corpo teórico desta pesquisa foi norteado pelos estudos sobre alfabetização e escolarização de jovens e adultos, sobre as políticas públicas e os movimentos de educação popular, assim como pelas leis que regem essa modalidade de ensino e suas aplicabilidades. Como instrumentos metodológicos, foram utilizados técnicas de análise das leis vigentes, questionários e redações dos alunos. A apresentação e interpretação dos dados coletados sugerem a viabilidade da trajetória escolar dos alunos.(AU)

VOLTAR À ESCOLA: O PERFIL SOCIAL E AS EXPECTATIVAS DE ALUNOS DA EDUCAÇÃO DE JOVENS E ADULTOS

A idéia de voltar a estudar, buscando uma escolarização considerada como perdida, ganha sentido quando se apresenta não apenas como uma forma reparadora para aqueles que não tiveram acesso a escola na idade certa, mas também como uma necessidade de inserção ao espaço contemporâneo do trabalho e da sociedade, vinculado a um grau mais elevado de escolarização que estimule o prosseguimento dos estudos na busca de ascensão social e profissional. Essa verificação mostra-se contrária a muitos estudos já apresentados, pois normalmente vemos a Educação de Jovens e Adultos como um bálsamo que suprirá todos os problemas sociais e econômicos de uma clientela desfavorecida e insegura de sua capacidade de aprendizagem e com históricos frustrantes de escolarização. Este trabalho objetiva apresentar uma pesquisa empírica sobre a trajetória escolar de 88 alunos da Educação de Jovens e Adultos (EJA) do ensino fundamental II (5ª a 8ª série) e do ensino médio, realizada em uma escola da periferia da cidade de São Bernardo do Campo, no estado de São Paulo, mostrando as relações existentes entre o fracasso e o sucesso que a volta à escola pode propiciar, assim como a análise dos ascendentes e descendentes em relação à escolarização e a escolha profissional. A pesquisa apresenta-se dividida em duas partes, sendo a primeira constituída de informações sobre os alunos, seus pais, filhos e irmãos e a segunda compreendida por duas partes, em que se vêem quantitativamente os motivos do abandono e do retorno à escola e por textos descritivos (redações) dos alunos pesquisados, seus desejos e aspirações, frustrações e sonhos, propondo análises sobre a escolarização e a continuidade de estudos e a necessidade desse retorno à escola. O corpo teórico desta pesquisa foi norteado pelos estudos sobre alfabetização e escolarização de jovens e adultos, sobre as políticas públicas e os movimentos de educação popular, assim como pelas leis que regem essa modalidade de ensino e suas aplicabilidades. Como instrumentos metodológicos, foram utilizados técnicas de análise das leis vigentes, questionários e redações dos alunos. A apresentação e interpretação dos dados coletados sugerem a viabilidade da trajetória escolar dos alunos.(AU)

Feasibility and utility of population-level geospatial injury profiling : prospective, national cohort study

The Health Services Research Unit receives funding from the Chief Scientist Office of the Scottish Government Health and Social Care Directorates. The opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors alone. The GEOS study was funded by the North of Scotland Planning Group.

KDIGO-based acute kidney injury criteria operate differently in hospitals and the community—findings from a large population cohort

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We acknowledge the data management support of Grampian Data Safe Haven (DaSH) and the associated financial support of NHS Research Scotland, through NHS Grampian investment in the Grampian DaSH. S.S. is supported by a Clinical Research Training Fellowship from the Wellcome Trust (Ref 102729/Z/13/Z). We also acknowledge the support from The Farr Institute of Health Informatics Research. The Farr Institute is supported by a 10-funder consortium: Arthritis Research UK, the British Heart Foundation, Cancer Research UK, the Economic and Social Research Council, the Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council, the Medical Research Council, the National Institute of Health Research, the National Institute for Social Care and Health Research (Welsh Assembly Government), the Chief Scientist Office (Scottish Government Health Directorates) and the Wellcome Trust (MRC Grant Nos: Scotland MR/K007017/1).

The effects of health changes on projections of health service needs for the elderly population of the United States

The 1982–1994 National Long-Term Care Surveys indicate an accelerating decline in disability among the U.S. elderly population, suggesting that a 1.5% annual decline in chronic disability for elderly persons is achievable. Furthermore, many risk factors for chronic diseases show improvements, many linked to education, from 1910 to the present. Projections indicate the proportion of persons aged 85–89 with less than 8 years of education will decline from 65% in 1980 to 15% in 2015. Health and socioeconomic status trends are not directly represented in Medicare Trust Fund and Social Security Administration beneficiary projections. Thus, they may have different economic implications from projections directly accounting for health trends. A 1.5% annual disability decline keeps the support ratio (ratio of economically active persons aged 20–64 to the number of chronically disabled persons aged 65+) above its 1994 value, 22:1, when the Hospital Insurance Trust Fund was in fiscal balance, to 2070. With no changes in disability, projections indicate a support ratio in 2070 of 8:1—63% below a cash flow balance.