934 resultados para Foreign Economic Relations


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This article challenges the notion of economic rationality as a criterion for explaining ethnic boundary maintenance. It offers an ethnographic analysis of inter-ethnic relations in the context of games (cockfights and game-fishing contests) in the island of Raiatea (French Polynesia). Although all players engage in the same basic gambling practices, money is differentially scaled and mobilized by the Tahitian and Chinese participants. Building on recent pragmatic approaches to rationality, it is shown that the players' rationalities differ not from the point of view of economic maximization, but only in so far as they participate in social relations at different scales.

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Cabo Verde é um país que tem vindo a sofrer mudanças nas mais diversas áreas nomeadamente na intensificação das relações económicas e comerciais com o resto do mundo e do mercado de capitais. Tudo isto leva a que o país seja procurado por empresas estrangeiras com o intuito de investir no país devido a sua estabilidade política. Mas é preciso acompanhar essa evolução em todas as áreas e neste sentido sente-se a necessidade de ter um documento contabilístico moderno e credível visto que o nosso PNC não tinha sido objecto de mudança deste a sua implementação em 1984. É neste sentido que surge o SNCRF como intuito de servir como instrumento para que as empresas nacionais e as internacionais sedeados no país possam fazer a apresentação das suas contas com elevada qualidade e a um custo baixo. O trabalho visa demonstrar as implicações e os benefícios decorrentes dessa implementação. Cape Verde is a country that has undergone changes in several areas including the intensification of economic and trade relations with the rest of the world and the capital market. All this means that the country is looking for foreign companies in order to invest in the country due to its political stability. But this development is needed in all areas and in this sense he feels the need of having modern accounting documents and credible as our PNC had not been subject to such change its implementation in 1984. It is this sense that emerges as the SNCRF order to serve as an instrument for the national and international companies based in the country to make the presentation of their accounts with a high quality and low cost. The paper demonstrates the implications and benefits arising from the implementation constraints.

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This paper deals with the impact of "early" nineteenth-century globalization (c.1815-1860) on foreign trade in the Southern Cone (SC). Most of the evidence is drawn from bilateral trades between Britain and the SC, at a time when Britain was the main commercial partner of the new republics. The main conclusion drawn is that early globalization had a positive impact on foreign trade in the SC, and this was due to: improvements in the SC's terms of trade during this period; the SC's per capita consumption of textiles (the main manufacture traded on world markets at that time) increased substantially during this period, at a time when clothing was one of the main items of SC household budgets; British merchants brought with them capital, shipping, insurance, and also facilitated the formation of vast global networks, which further promoted the SC's exports to a wider range of outlets.

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De successifs Gouvernements du Portugal, Organisations du Gouvernement Portugais et ses représentants légitimes, non mal de fois, s’affolent à associer la Langue Portugaise non seulement à l’identité Nationale mais aussi comme un moyen de reconnaissance internationale du pays, liée à une vision plus élargie reliée au concept géolinguistique et géopolitique de Lusophonie. Un concept particulièrement important et opératif qu’il est assimilé à l’image d’autres langues de présence globale ou, du moins, comme des langues de communication international intercontinental – comme les pays Anglophones, Spanophones et Francophones -. Le but, est celui de promouvoir l’usage international de la langue portugaise aussi que le développement économique et social des huit pays rassemblés à la Communauté des Pays de Langue Portugaise (CPLP). Cette étude, essaye de trouver les relations entre le discours officiel diffusé et les programmes de chaque Gouvernement depuis 1974. Une recherche sur la promotion, diffusion et/ou défense de la langue portugaise soit en temps que PLE (Portugais Langue Étrangère), soit en temps que dans le domaine de l’usage de la Langue Portugaise dans les différents Forums Internationaux dont le Portugal et les autres pays de langue portugaise font partie. Les discours et les documents officiels nous présentent toujours la promotion et diffusion de la langue comme une priorité, un impératif national, il est donc aussi impératif de confronter tous ces mots, dits et écrits, avec la réalité de l’action politique, voir, la politique de la langue effectivement mise en place, par les successifs gouvernements.

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Portugal’s historical past strongly influences the composition of the country’s immigrant population. The main third-country foreign nationals in Portugal originate traditionally from Portuguese-speaking African countries (namely Cape Verde, Angola, Guinea Bissau, and S. Tomé e Príncipe) and Brazil. In 2001, a newly created immigrant status entitled “permanence” authorization uncovered a quantitative and a qualitative change in the structure of immigrant population in Portugal. First, there was a quantitative jump from 223.602 foreigners in 2001 to 364.203 regularized foreigners in 2003. Secondly, there was a substantial qualitative shift in the composition of immigrants. The majority of the new immigrants began coming from Eastern European countries, such as Ukraine, Moldavia, Romania, and the Russian Federation. Thus, European countries outside the E.U. zone now rank second (after African countries) in their contribution of individuals to the stocks of immigrant population in Portugal. The differences between the new and traditional immigration flows are visible in the geographical distribution of immigrants and in their insertion into the labour market. While the traditional flows would congregate around the metropolitan area of Lisbon and in the Algarve, the new migratory flows tend to be more geographically dispersed and present in less urbanized areas of Portugal. In terms of insertion in the labour market, although the construction sector is still the most important industry for immigrant labour, Eastern European workers may also be found in the agriculture and manufacturing sectors. The institutional conditions that encourage immigrants’ civic participation are divided at three different levels: the state, the local, and the civil society levels. At the state level, the High Commissioner for Migrations and Ethnic Minorities is the main organizational structure along with a set of interrelated initiatives operating under specific regulatory frameworks, which act as mediators between state officials and the Portuguese civil society, and more specifically, immigrant communities. At the local level, some municipalities created consultative councils and municipal departments aiming at encouraging the participation and representation of interests from immigrant groups and association in local policies. In the civil society sphere, the main actors in Portugal spurring immigrants civic participation are immigrant associations, mainstream associations directed toward immigration topics, and unions. The legal conditions framing immigrants’ access to social housing, education, health, and social security in Portugal are also considered to be positive. Conditions restricting immigrants’ civic participation are mainly normative and include the Portuguese nationality law, the regulations shaping the political participation of immigrants, namely in what concerns their right to vote, and employment regulations restricting immigrants’ access to public administration positions. Part II of the report focuses on the active civic participation of third country immigrants. First, reasons for the lack of research on this issue in Portugal are explained. On the one hand, the recent immigration history and the more urgent needs regarding school and economic integration kept this issue out of the research spotlight. On the other hand, it was just in the beginning of the 1990s that immigrants took the very first steps toward collective mobilisation. Secondly, the literature review of Portuguese bibliography covers research on third country immigrants’ associative movement, research on local authorities’ policies and discussion about ethnic politics and political mobilisation of immigrants in Portugal. As political mobilisation of these groups has been made mainly through ethnic and/or migrant organisations, a brief history of immigrants' associative movement is given. Immigrant associations develop multiple roles, covering the social, the cultural, the economic and the political domains. Political claiming for the regularisation of illegal immigrants has been a permanent and important field of intervention since the mid-1990s. Research results reveal the com5 plex relations between ethnic mobilisation and the set of legal and institutional frameworks developed by local and national governmental authorities targeted to the incorporation of minority groups. Case studies on the Oeiras district and on the Amadora district are then presented. Conclusions underline that the most active immigrant groups are those from Cape Verde and Guinea Bissau, since these groups have constituted a higher number of ethnic associations, give priority to political claiming and present a more politicised discourse. Reflecting on the future of research on civic participation of third country immigrants in Portugal, the authors state that it would be interesting and relevant to compare the Portuguese situation with those of other European countries, with an older immigration history, and analyse how the Portuguese immigrants’ associative movement will be affected by a changing legal framework and the emergence of new opportunities within the set of structures regarding the political participation of minority groups.

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Sucessivos Governos, Organizações Governamentais e responsáveis desses Governos e Organizações têm apresentado até ao presente e de forma veemente e repetida uma sistemática ligação da língua portuguesa não só à identidade nacional como também a uma forma de reconhecimento internacional ligada a uma visão mais ampla, geolinguística e geopolítica de uma Lusofonia, capaz de agir de forma concertada conforme ao exemplo de outros blocos político-linguísticos, como o Francófono, o Espanófono ou o Anglófono, por forma a promover o uso alargado da língua portuguesa como língua internacional e o desenvolvimento económico e social dos países membros da Comunidade de Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP). Este trabalho é um estudo sobre a indissociável relação entre as reiteradas afirmações constantes no discurso oficial e nos documentos legais que as suportam no que respeita à promoção e difusão do uso da Língua Portuguesa quer como Língua Estrangeira (PLE), quer na promoção do seu uso nas Organizações Internacionais de que Portugal, os Países de Língua Portuguesa ou de Língua Oficial Portuguesa fazem parte. Este discurso oficial sobre a língua e a documentação legal que a suporta, que surge sempre apresentado como uma prioridade política e como desígnio nacional, impõe a necessária confrontação entre a afirmação daqueles propósitos e a realidade da política de língua implementada de facto, ou seja, a forma como esse desígnio nacional é levado à prática pelo Estado e, logo, pelos governantes que agem em seu nome e definem esta política de língua externa ao longo de um período de cerca de 30 anos de democracia em que este estudo se centra.

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We have analyzed the spatial accuracy of European foreign trade statistics compared to Latin American. We have also included USA s data because of the importance of this country in Latin American trade. We have developed a method for mapping discrepancies between exporters and importers, trying to isolate systematic spatial deviations. Although our results don t allow a unique explanation, they present some interesting clues to the distribution channels in the Latin American Continent as well as some spatial deviations for statistics in individual countries. Connecting our results with the literature specialized in the accuracy of foreign trade statistics; we can revisit Morgernstern (1963) as well as Federico and Tena (1991). Morgernstern had had a really pessimistic view on the reliability of this statistic source, but his main alert was focused on the trade balances, not in gross export or import values. Federico and Tena (1991) have demonstrated howaccuracy increases by aggregation, geographical and of product at the same time. But they still have a pessimistic view with relation to distribution questions, remarking that perhaps it will be more accurate to use import sources in this latest case. We have stated that the data set coming from foreign trade statistics for a sample in 1925, being it exporters or importers, it s a valuable tool for geography of trade patterns, although in some specific cases it needs some spatial adjustments.

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The reallocation of resources is one of the main impacts of tradeliberalization processes. In the case of manufacturing industries resourceswill be reallocated from import--competing sectors to export--orientedsectors. This paper studies the effects that a more open economic environmenthas had on the entry conditions for foreign and domestic firms in Uruguayanmanufacturing industries. We find significant differences in the behaviorof foreign and domestic firms, both when they are incumbents or when theyact as potential entrants. In general, foreign firms seem to be moresuccessful in applying entry deterring strategies, due to advantages inforeign markets, deeper financial resources or better technological capabilities.They also appear to be more responsive to entry conditions when theyface the prospects of entering a given industry.

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Recent years have seen an emerging knowledge base and increasing public interest and awareness of sexual-economic relationships between local men and Western women, in different touristic regions around the world. However, to date, Western perspectives on the phenomenon make up the bulk of the existent literature. Questioning the dominant discourse of 'romance tourism' and representations of male participants as 'victims-opportunists', this dissertation explores male beach workers' experiences with, and perspectives on sexual-economic relationships between Kenyan men and visiting Western women in Kenya's South Coast region. The men were not considered in isolation; their experiences and perspectives are situated in relation to their family ties, social networks and the political economy of beach tourism. The study shows that locally these relationships are clearly understood as livelihood strategies for the visited. Men seek to establish long-term intimate relationships with female tourists as a means to accessing life's basic necessities for themselves and for their families and overall to improve their standards of living. It is argued that these relationships are a response to the poverty and inequalities generated by socio-economic changes over time. They are also a response to local gender role prescriptions that hinge male social value on men's capacity to marry, procreate and provide intergenerational social and economic support. The men's parallel quest for non-sexual economically motivated friendships with visiting foreign tourists termed "family friends" is a salient finding, that serves to reinforce the finding that the sexual- economic relationships are above all livelihood strategies. Résumé Ces dernières années ont vu l'émergence d'une base de connaissance, ainsi que d'un intérêt et d'une prise de conscience accrue du public, à l'égard des relations économico-sexuelles entre hommes locaux et femmes occidentales, dans différentes régions touristiques du monde. Cependant, à ce jour, des perspectives occidentales sur ce phénomène constituent l'essentiel de la littérature existante. En remettant en question le discours dominant du «romance tourism» (tourisme sentimental) et les représentations qui conçoivent les hommes participants comme étant 'victimes-opportunistes', cette thèse explore les expériences, et les visions qu'ont les travailleurs de plage sur les relations économico-sexuelles entre hommes Kenyans et femmes Occidentales dans la région de la côte sud du Kenya. Les hommes n'ont pas été considérés de manière isolée; leurs expériences et leurs perspectives sont situées par rapport à leur liens familiaux, leur réseaux sociaux et aussi par rapport à l'économie politique du tourisme balnéaire. L'étude montre que sur place ces relations sont clairement conçues comme des stratégies de survie pour les participants hôtes. Les hommes cherchent à établir des relations de long durée avec des femmes touristes comme moyen d'accéder à des biens et des services qui constituent des nécessités de bases, pour eux et pour leur familles et globalement pour relever leur niveau de vie! L'étude fait valoir que ces relations sont une réponse à la pauvreté et aux inégalités sociales crées par des dynamiques socio-économiques au fil du temps. Elles sont aussi une réponse au prescriptions sociales locales par lesquelles la valeur sociale masculine est définie à travers la capacité des hommes à se marier, à procréer et d'assurer un soutien intergénérationnel social et économique. La quête, en parallèle, de relations d'amitiés non-sexuelles à motivation économique, dénommé « family friends », par des hommes, est un résultat saillant de cette étude qui vient renforcer l'observation que les relations économico-sexuelles relèvent avant tout des stratégies de survie.

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Foreign language skills represent a form of human capital that can be rewarded in the labor market. Drawing on data from the Adult Education Survey of 2007, this is the first study estimating returns to foreign language skills in Turkey. We contribute to the literature on the economic value of language knowledge, with a special focus on a country characterized by fast economic and social development. Although English is the most widely spoken foreign language in Turkey, we initially consider the economic value of different foreign languages among the employed males aged 25 to 65. We find positive and significant returns to proficiency in English and Russian, which increase with the level of competence. Knowledge of French and German also appears to be positively rewarded in the Turkish labor market, although their economic value seems mostly linked to an increased likelihood to hold specific occupations rather than increased earnings within occupations. Focusing on English, we also explore the heterogeneity in returns to different levels of proficiency by frequency of English use at work, birth-cohort, education, occupation and rural/urban location. The results are also robust to the endogenous specification of English language skills.

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The objective of this paper is to ascertain whether the EU is seeking policy convergence with its neighbours in the area of trade by means of EU regulations. For each trade- related topic, we carried out a content analysis of the available official documents to identify the model of relations that has been established between the EU and four neighbouring countries (Morocco, Algeria, Ukraine and Georgia). The findings indicate that Europeanization is the EU strategy in most cases. However, adaptation to European regulations is only a long-term aim. When international regulations exist in a specific area, the EU usually demands the internationalization of a country¿s regulations as a first step. When there are no international regulations, the convergence process is established on the basis of bilaterally developed norms. EU strategy also varies depending on the country. Its relations with Algeria are the most particular. We conclude that the EU is promoting policy convergence with its neighbours in the area of trade mainly on the basis of international and bilaterally-developed regulations.

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[spa] La política de Vecindad de la Unión Europea se acostumbra a interpretar como un instrumento de europeización forzada. Gracias a su fuerza de negociación, la Unión Europea impondría a sus vecinos su modelo económico y hasta político y social. Esta sin embargo no es la evidencia que se obtiene en el ámbito del comercio. En consonancia con el modelo teórico de relaciones exteriores desarrollado por varios investigadores bajo la dirección de Esther Barbé, observamos como, en el ámbito comercial, el modelo de relaciones entre la Unión Europea y cuatro países de la política de Vecindad puede ser tanto de europeización como también de internacionalización o de coordinación. El tipo de modelo aplicado viene condicionado, como asevera el marco teórico, por el cumplimiento de las condiciones necesarias que se requieren para que Europa imponga sus normas: legitimidad, incentivos y coherencia interna. Estas condiciones varían en función tanto del tema tratado como del país vecino.

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The objective of this paper is to ascertain whether the EU is seeking policy convergence with its neighbours in the area of trade by means of EU regulations. For each trade- related topic, we carried out a content analysis of the available official documents to identify the model of relations that has been established between the EU and four neighbouring countries (Morocco, Algeria, Ukraine and Georgia). The findings indicate that Europeanization is the EU strategy in most cases. However, adaptation to European regulations is only a long-term aim. When international regulations exist in a specific area, the EU usually demands the internationalization of a country¿s regulations as a first step. When there are no international regulations, the convergence process is established on the basis of bilaterally developed norms. EU strategy also varies depending on the country. Its relations with Algeria are the most particular. We conclude that the EU is promoting policy convergence with its neighbours in the area of trade mainly on the basis of international and bilaterally-developed regulations.

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[spa] La política de Vecindad de la Unión Europea se acostumbra a interpretar como un instrumento de europeización forzada. Gracias a su fuerza de negociación, la Unión Europea impondría a sus vecinos su modelo económico y hasta político y social. Esta sin embargo no es la evidencia que se obtiene en el ámbito del comercio. En consonancia con el modelo teórico de relaciones exteriores desarrollado por varios investigadores bajo la dirección de Esther Barbé, observamos como, en el ámbito comercial, el modelo de relaciones entre la Unión Europea y cuatro países de la política de Vecindad puede ser tanto de europeización como también de internacionalización o de coordinación. El tipo de modelo aplicado viene condicionado, como asevera el marco teórico, por el cumplimiento de las condiciones necesarias que se requieren para que Europa imponga sus normas: legitimidad, incentivos y coherencia interna. Estas condiciones varían en función tanto del tema tratado como del país vecino.

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“The liquidity crisis of the Spanish banks is largely due to the lack of confidence of foreign investors and, therefore, the changes that occur in the legislation should not affect the credibility, stability, legal certainty, predictability that markets expect”.Sergio Nasarre (2011)In the current situation of economic crisis, many people have found they can no longer pay back the mortgage loans that were granted to them in order to purchase a dwelling. It is for this reason that, in light of the economic, political and social problems this poses, our paper studies the state of the Spanish real-estate system and of foreclosure, paying special attention to the solution that has been proposed recently as the best option for debtors that cannot make their mort-gage payments: non-recourse mortgaging. We analyze this proposal from legal and economic perspectives in order to fully understand the effects that this change could imply. At the same time, this paper will also examine several alternatives we believe would ameliorate the situation of mortgage-holders, among them legal reforms, mortgage insurance, and non-recourse mortgaging itself.