Various Joyful Encounters with the Dystopias of Affective Capitalism

This article contends that what appear to be the dystopic conditions of affective capitalism are just as likely to be felt in various joyful encounters as they are in atmospheres of fear associated with post 9/11 securitization. Moreover, rather than grasping these joyful encounters with capitalism as an ideological trick working directly on cognitive systems of belief, they are approached here by way of a repressive affective relation a population establishes between politicized sensory environments and what Deleuze and Guattari (1994) call a brain-becoming-subject. This is a radical relationality (Protevi, 2010) understood in this context as a mostly nonconscious brain-somatic process of subjectification occurring in contagious sensory environments populations become politically situated in. The joyful encounter is not therefore merely an ideological manipulation of belief, but following Gabriel Tarde (as developed in Sampson, 2012), belief is always the object of desire. The discussion starts by comparing recent efforts by Facebook to manipulate mass emotional contagion to a Huxleyesque control through appeals to joy. Attention is then turned toward further manifestations of affective capitalism; beginning with the so-called emotional turn in the neurosciences, which has greatly influenced marketing strategies intended to unconsciously influence consumer mood (and choice), and ending with a further comparison between encounters with Nazi joy in the 1930s (Protevi, 2010) and the recent spreading of right wing populism similarly loaded with political affect. Indeed, the dystopian presence of a repressive political affect in all of these examples prompts an initial question concerning what can be done to a brain so that it involuntarily conforms to the joyful encounter. That is to say, what can affect theory say about an apparent brain-somatic vulnerability to affective suggestibility and a tendency toward mass repression? However, the paper goes on to frame a second (and perhaps more significant) question concerning what can a brain do. Through the work of John Protevi (in Hauptmann and Neidich (eds.), 2010: 168-183), Catherine Malabou (2009) and Christian Borch (2005), the article discusses how affect theory can conceive of a brain-somatic relation to sensory environments that might be freed from its coincidence with capitalism. This second question not only leads to a different kind of illusion to that understood as a product of an ideological trick, but also abnegates a model of the brain which limits subjectivity in the making to a phenomenological inner self or Being in the world.

La construction de discours d’appartenance identitaire dans la littérature judéenne et chrétienne aux Ier et IIe siècles

Au cours des dernières décennies, la recherche scientifique, toutes disciplines confondues, s’est particulièrement intéressée aux phénomènes et questionnements identitaires, notamment en ce qui concerne les groupes et les mouvements minoritaires ou marginaux, mais également en ce qui concerne la question des identités nationales dont se délectent à leur tour politiciens et médias. Véritable reflet d’un des enjeux majeurs de nos sociétés contemporaines, cet intérêt des chercheurs pour les phénomènes identitaires a particulièrement porté sur l’étude des processus de construction et d’affirmation des identités individuelles et collectives, c’est-à-dire sur les modes et les modalités à partir desquels les identités se construisent, se structurent et sont affirmées dans un rapport comparatif, compétitif et dialogique entre le Soi et l’Autre. Si notre compréhension des phénomènes identitaires s’est considérablement précisée et nuancée depuis la publication dans les années 1950, voire antérieurement, des études fondamentales et fondatrices, il n’en demeure pas moins que le concept d’identité, peu importe les multiples terminologies qu’il peut prendre selon les disciplines, pose actuellement de nombreux problèmes et s’avère abondamment galvaudé par certaines recherches récentes qui en font usage sans nécessairement le définir, voire pire, le maîtriser, comme un champ d’études à la mode qu’il convient d’investir afin d’alimenter un lectorat avide de ces questions et problèmes identitaires. Il est vrai que les travaux scientifiques sur les identités paraissent à un rythme soutenu, voire insoutenable tant cette production est abondante et diversifiée. Tour à tour, les identités ethniques, nationales, provinciales, régionales, politiques, culturelles, religieuses, de genre, des groupes ou mouvements minoritaires et marginaux, pour ne nommer que certains des principaux champs d’investigation, ont été interrogées. Loin de se limiter aux sociétés, aux individus et aux collectivités modernes, les identités du passé, toutes périodes confondues, ont également été revisitées à la lumière des outils d’interprétation développés, entre autres, par la sociologie, par l’anthropologie culturelle et par la psychologie sociale. Bien évidemment, les spécialistes de l’Antiquité n’ont pas échappé à cette tendance, partant à leur tour à la conquête de l’identité (ou des identités) grecque(s), romaine(s), barbare(s), judéenne(s) et chrétienne(s). Leur intérêt s’est également porté sur les identités propres aux diverses catégories ou collectivités sociales, politiques, juridiques, religieuses et professionnelles. Toutefois, aborder la question des identités dans l’Antiquité oblige à délaisser les définitions et compréhensions modernes au profit d’un tout autre mode raisonnement identitaire et d’appartenance propre aux sociétés et collectivités anciennes en prenant en considération les dimensions « – emic » et « – etic » que requiert l’utilisation de cette notion afin d’en avoir recours comme une catégorie d’analyse adéquate pour cette période particulière, une approche double et complémentaire trop souvent négligée par une majorité de recherches dont les résultats aboutissent inévitablement à une compréhension anachronique et « distorsionnée » des réalités anciennes, ce qui est d’autant plus le cas en histoire des religions et des communautés socioreligieuses de l’Antiquité en raison de nombreux présupposés idéologiques et théologiques qui dominent encore tout un pan de l’historiographie actuelle. Bien que le concept même d’identité n’existe pas dans l’Antiquité, le terme « identitas » renvoyant à une tout autre réalité, cela ne signifie pas pour autant que les Anciens n’avaient aucune conscience de leur(s) identité(s) et qu’il est impossible pour nous modernes d’étudier les phénomènes et les discours identitaires antiques. Toutefois, cela impose d’aborder ces phénomènes avec une très grande prudence et beaucoup de nuances en évitant les généralisations hâtives et en circonscrivant bien les contextes d’énonciation dans lesquels ces identités se sont construites et ont été affirmées, car, déterminées par les appartenances, la définition de ces identités s’est constamment élaborée et réélaborée sur un rapport Soi / Autre, inclusion / exclusion et a reposé sur des stratégies discursives qui ont varié selon les époques, les lieux, les auteurs et les contextes d’énonciation. L’enjeu principal est alors de comprendre les stratégies et les mécanismes mis en œuvre par les auteurs anciens dans les processus discursifs de construction identitaire de leur groupe d’appartenance. Produit d’une rhétorique, l’étude des identités anciennes oblige donc de distinguer, ce qui est certes complexe, discours et réalités sociales, du moins cela oblige, encore une fois, à une extrême prudence et beaucoup de nuances afin de ne pas confondre discours et réalités. Si les discours ont effectivement pour effet d’ériger des frontières identitaires fixes et imperméables entre les différents groupes et collectivités, l’étude de la réalité vécue par les acteurs sociaux montre que ces frontières étaient plutôt fluides et perméables. Pour étudier la question des identités dans l’Antiquité, plusieurs postes d’observation peuvent êtres sollicités en s’intéressant, notamment, à la formation des identités, à l’identité en auto-définition, à l’identité dans le miroir de l’Autre, à l’impact des interactions entre le Soi et l’Autre sur les définitions identitaires, aux frontières identitaires et à leurs transgresseurs, aux marqueurs identitaires, etc. Ces différentes approches, notamment lorsqu’elles sont combinées les unes aux autres, contribuent à mettre en évidence la complexité des processus de construction des identités dans l’Antiquité dont on reconnaît désormais le caractère fluide, dynamique et discursif, malgré les idéologies de stabilité sur lesquelles elles se sont élaborées et polémiquées. Loin de susciter de vains débats, les études sur les identités dans l’Antiquité permettent d’aborder sous un angle novateur certains acquis de la recherche et de leur apporter de riches nuances. Cependant, interpréter les phénomènes identitaires anciens à partir de paradigmes, de terminologies et de catégories erronés ou anachroniques a également pour conséquence indéniable de parvenir à une relecture « distorsionnée », si ce n’est orientée, du passé, en lui imposant des catégories de définition et d’auto-définition identitaires qui n’existaient pas dans l’Antiquité. C’est pourquoi il importe également, lorsqu’on tente d’aborder ces phénomènes identitaires, de réfléchir sur les paradigmes, les terminologies et les catégories qui sont invoqués par en parler et ne pas hésiter à les remettre en question en refusant d’adhérer, de manière consciente ou inconsciente, à un quelconque modèle préétabli. S’inscrivant dans ce courant réflexif majeur de l’historiographique actuelle sur l’étude des phénomènes de construction identitaire dans l’Antiquité, notre recherche s’intéresse plus particulièrement aux processus de construction de discours d’appartenance dans la littérature judéenne et chrétienne aux Ier et IIe siècles. Sans avoir cherché à circonscrire une définition unique et unilatérale des identités judéennes et chrétiennes de cette période – définition qui s’avère, selon nous, plus utopique que réaliste en raison de la pluralité des mouvements qui composent le « judaïsme » et le « christianisme » anciens et des auteurs qui ont tenté, par leurs discours, de définir et présenter ces identités – ou tenter d’établir une liste de critères à respecter pour délimiter ce qu’est l’identité judéenne ou chrétienne – et, par conséquent, ceux qui peuvent ou non se réclamer d’être Judéens ou chrétiens –, la perspective que nous adoptons dans cette recherche est plutôt de réfléchir à la manière dont il convient d’aborder les identités anciennes et les processus de construction identitaire dans l’Antiquité. Notre réflexion se veut donc d’abord et avant tout une réflexion méthodologique, épistémologique, terminologique et historiographique des questions et phénomènes identitaires dans l’Antiquité, notamment en ce qui concerne les identités judéennes et chrétiennes des Ier et IIe siècles qui sont abordées à partir de divers postes d’observation et dans une perspective socio-historique qui adopte une démarche « – emic » et « – etic ». Notre recherche est divisée en trois parties. La première sera consacrée aux discussions d’ordre « – etic », c’est-à-dire aux réflexions et aux remarques méthodologiques, épistémologiques, terminologiques et historiographies sur l’approche des phénomènes identitaires et de l’identité chrétienne dans l’Antiquité. Le chapitre I présentera des remarques historiographiques sur les travaux récents en histoire du « christianisme » ancien. Dans le chapitre II, nous discuterons des concepts modernes d’« identité », de « race » et d’« ethnie ». Le chapitre III présentera quelques réflexions épistémologiques et méthodologiques sur l’application des théories et concepts modernes aux réalités antiques dans l’approche des phénomènes identitaires. Finalement, le chapitre IV reviendra sur les différents paradigmes interprétatifs qui ont été utilisés dans le débat moderne sur la question du Parting of the Ways. La deuxième partie sera consacrée à la présentation des cadres contextuels du « judaïsme » et du « christianisme » anciens. Le chapitre V dressera un portrait général de la pluralité qui caractérise le « judaïsme » ancien à la période romaine (Ier – IIe siècles) et des principaux marqueurs identitaires des communautés judéennes de cette époque. Dans le chapitre VI, il sera question de l’origine et de l’expansion du « judaïsme chrétien » dans l’Empire romain (Ier – IIe siècles) de même que de la pluralité des courants chrétiens. La troisième partie abordera la dimension « – emic » de notre recherche en s’intéressant aux processus discursifs de construction de l’identité chrétienne à partir de différents postes d’observation. Le chapitre VII analysera la présentation que l’auteur des Actes des apôtres fait des conditions d’entrée et des premières règles de vie dans la communauté chrétienne. Le chapitre VIII s’intéressera aux enjeux liés à la perception et à la représentation du Soi et de l’Autre en tentant de comprendre comment le mouvement chrétien a tenté de s’auto-définir et comment il a été défini par l’Altérité. Finalement, le chapitre IX analysera la manière dont les auteurs chrétiens se sont approprié le terme « γένος » et comment ils l’ont redéfini sur la base de critères cultuels ou religieux afin de présenter l’originalité distinctive du mouvement chrétien.

Configurações músico-literárias na obra de Paul Bowles : música, violência e política

Tese de doutoramento, Estudos de Literatura e de Cultura (Estudos Americanos), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Letras, 2014

‘Sport for Yes’? The Precarious Positioning of Scottish Athletes in the Scottish Independence Referendum Campaign.

This paper will critically consider the implications for Scottish athletes who have publicly stated their personal opinion on the Scottish independence referendum. Developments such as the inclusion of sport within the Scottish Government’s White Paper on Scottish independence, the establishment of the ‘Working Group on Scottish Sport’ and the establishment of the ‘Sport for Yes’ campaign group demonstrate the harnessing of sporting issues as an additional, if somewhat peripheral, debate point in the referendum campaigns (Lafferty, 2014; Scottish Government, 2013; Working Group on Scottish Sport, 2013, 2014). The latter of these developments, the establishment of the ‘Sport for Yes’ campaign group, is of particular interest, offering evidence of the explicit political mobilisation of past and present athletes in support of the ‘Yes Scotland’ pro-independence campaign. Whilst the pro-union ‘Better Together’ campaign does not possess a comparable group to the ‘Sport for Yes’ example, examples of athletes discussing the potential negative impact of Scottish independence on the funding and organisation of Scottish sport have been capitalised upon by pro-union campaigners, as exemplified in the comments of Sir Chris Hoy (BBC, 2013; Daily Record, 2013a). Given the negative reaction to Hoy’s comments from certain pro-independence campaigners (Daily Record, 2013b; Swanson, 2013), other Scottish athletes have understandably attempted to avoid controversy by refusing to align with either side of the referendum debate. This paper will therefore consider the potential pitfalls for athletes who publicly announce their political positions, whilst also scrutinising the extent to which such pronouncements are of political significance, drawing upon past academic analyses of the interrelationship between sport and politics (e.g. Coghlan, 1990; Houlihan, 1994; Jeffreys, 2012; Macfarlane, 1986; Whannel, 2008).

Variety of Media Systems in Third-Wave Democracies

The number of comparative studies in the field of political communication increased considerably after Daniel Hallin and Paolo Mancini's publication of comparing Media systems. In this book, four dimensions are used to distinguish between the media environments in western countries around the year 2000: press market development, parallelism between parties and media outlets, state intervention in the realm of media, and levels of journalist professionalization. The authors conclude that in western Europe and North America three types of media systems coexisted: a polarized pluralist model (in southern Europe), a democratic corporatist model (in scandinavia and some western European countries), and a liberal model (Canada, USA, Ireland, and the UK). Within this framework, both Portugal and Spain are described as polarized pluralist media systems, given their weak press markets and low patterns of journalistic professionalization, as well as strong state intervention in the realm of media and parallelism between media outlets and political parties.

An Ever-Shadowed Past? Citizens’ Attitudes towards the Dictatorship in Twenty-First Century Portugal

Several years after the transition to democracy, positive attitudes towards the authoritarian past are still observable in Portugal: the belief that the previous regime had more good things than bad things is expressed by about one-fifth  of the Portuguese. What explains this nostalgic sentiment? Are factors such as socialisation under the regime, party identification or religiosity more important than satisfaction with democracy and the state of the economy? The empirical analysis suggests that the relevance of these factors varies considerably, but socialisation phases lead to different stances on the past both in routine times and in times of economic crisis.

Portuguese Citizens’ Support for Democracy: 40 Years after the Carnation Revolution

Forty years after the Carnation Revolution, the relatively young Portuguese democracy is experiencing dramatically low levels of public specific support for democracy. This article tests the leverage of demand-side and supply-side accounts to explain differentials in public satisfaction with democracy. Through ordinary least squares regression analyses that draw on the unique data of the ‘Barometer 40 Years of Democracy in Portugal (2014)’, this articles shows that age cohort, identification with extreme parties, evaluation of the country’s political past, and economic performance are strong correlates of citizens’ specific support for democracy

G.H. Mead

G.H. Mead (1863-1931) oriented much of his intellectual efforts around three unavoidable questions for anyone living in a modern society: how are selfhood, knowledge, and politics understood and organized in such a society? Modern individuals continually seek answers to questions although nobody has ever come up with a definitive answer to them. Modernity, in other words, confronts us with inevitable problematics that fundamentally shape the way in which we think about certain topics. For the purposes of my discussion of Mead, I focus upon three of these modern problematics: science, selfhood, and democratic politics. But before I discuss Mead’s treatment of these problem areas, allow me to briefly situate Mead as a pragmatist in relation to Dewey and James within pragmatism.

Moment of stasis: the successful failure of a constitution for Europe

The 2005 French and Dutch negative votes on the Constitution open up a space of conceptualisation, not only of Europe's relation to its demos, but significantly to its failures. Through a critical analysis of mainly Niklas Luhmann's systems theory, the article proposes taking a distance from traditional constitutional dogmatics that are no longer capable of dealing with the paradox of contemporary society, and more specifically with the eventual resurgence of the European project as one of absence and stasis: the two terms are used to explain the need, on the one hand, to maintain the 'absent community' of Europe, and, on the other, to start realising that any conceptualisation of the European project will now have to take place in that space of instability and contingency revealed by the constitutional failure. The relation between law and politics, the location of a constitution, the distinction between social and normative legitimacy, the connection between European identity and demos, and the concept of continuity between constitutional text and context are revisited in an attempt to trace the constitutional failure as the constitutional moment par excellence.

The Portuguese Administrative Elite, 1851-1910

The aim of this article is to examine the composition and patterns of recruitment of the ministries’directors-general, as well as to assess the interconnections between bureaucracy and politics, from the beginnings of Regeneração (1851) until the breakdown of Monarchy (1910). The post of director-general was considered one of “political trust”, that might be filled by individuals from outside the civil service, and the selection and de-selection of officeholders depended exclusively on the ministers’ will. Nonetheless, most directors-general were experienced bureaucrats, boasting a steady career as civil servants, and remained in office for long terms, regardless of ministerial discontinuities. In other words, High Administration became relatively immune to party-driven politics. Due to their professional background and lengthy tenure, directors-general were usually highly skilled specialists, combining technical expertise and practical knowledge of the wheels of state bureaucracy. Hence, they were often influential actors in policy-making, playing an active (and sometimes decisive) part behind the scenes, in both designing and implementing government policies. As regards their social profile, directors-general formed a cohesive and homogeneous elite group: being predominantly drawn from urban middle class milieus, highly educated, and appointed to office in their forties.

Liderança Feminina no Poder Político Local em Portugal: Representações, Media e Visibilidade

A comunidade científica avalia a diferença de proporção entre mulheres e homens nos parlamentos nacionais como reveladora do índice democrático dos países, com esta dissertação sublinhamos a relevância de aprofundar o conhecimento sobre o poder local para compreender a realidade da sub-representação política feminina em Portugal. A recolha e análise de dados do último ato eleitoral autárquico de setembro de 2013, permitiu-nos ilustrar o problema de discriminação revelado pela sub-representação política feminina. Entre as causas para a sub-representação política feminina identificadas na literatura, destacamos a invisibilidade das mulheres políticas, considerada superior à sua sub-representação real. Por outro lado, uma das soluções prosseguidas por vários países para combater o problema da sub-representação política feminina é a introdução de um sistema de quotas no processo eleitoral.Com este trabalho, em que revelamos que a introdução de quotas em Portugal não influenciou os resultados eleitorais locais, consideramos poder relacionar a exígua presença das mulheres na liderança dos executivos municipais com a sua invisibilidade mediática. O presente trabalho contribui para esclarecer as seguintes questões: (i) como evoluiu a liderança feminina no poder local; (ii) qual a medida atual desta representação; (iii) qual o impacto das quotas legislativas no número de mulheres presidentes de Câmara eleitas; (iv) quais os obstáculos específicos que afastam as mulheres da liderança do poder local, (v) como contribuem os media para a invisibilidade das autarcas junto do eleitorado. Em Portugal, a taxa de feminização parlamentar conheceu uma evolução sempre crescente desde as primeiras eleições democráticas em 1976, até ao valor atual de 31,30%. Este trabalho demonstra que a presença feminina na liderança do órgão executivo municipal, tem sido sempre residual. Uma representação atual de 7,5%, configura não só a situação mais acentuada de sub-representação política feminina como, em contracorrente com a realidade da Assembleia da República e do Parlamento Europeu, a inexpressiva evolução estagnou. Para aprofundar o conhecimento sobre o poder local e testar as hipóteses colocadas, realizámos um questionário junto das 23 autarcas eleitas em 2013 com o qual foi possível fazer a sua caracterização sociodemográfica, além de avaliar o seu percurso político-partidário e conhecer a relação estabelecida com os media nacionais e locais/regionais durante a sua candidatura e após a eleição. Para complementar esta informação e aprofundar o tema da eficácia das quotas, realizámos entrevistas em profundidade com nove mulheres eleitas presidentes de Câmara antes e depois de 2009 (primeiro ato eleitoral autárquico após a implementação da Lei da Paridade). Neste contexto, seguimos as orientações metodológicas sobre análise de conteúdo de entrevistas de Laurence Bardin. O trabalho de campo foi efetuado entre julho e setembro de 2014 em quatro distritos que se encontram entre os que mais mulheres elegeram na história política autárquica: Santarém, Portalegre, Lisboa e Setúbal. Com este trabalho pretendemos demonstrar que é ao nível da liderança política feminina que as resistências são mais profundas, tal como revela a realidade local, colocando em questão a pertinência dos mecanismos de ação positiva que atuam sobre os efeitos mas não sobre a causa do problema da sub-representação política feminina.

Educational issues perceived by expectant lesbian couples /

Despite the increasing public profile of lesbian childbearing, public health resources for expectant women often bear heterosexist assumptions and create barriers to accessing information relevant to lesbian mothering experiences. This descriptive, exploratory study examined one lesbian couple's perceived educational needs for effective support, barriers to access, strategies for locating care, and the impact of childbearing on their lives, as well as their reflections on inviting ways to offer supportive practices in a public health context. A case study approach used feminist ethnographic methodology and purposeful convenience sampling. A prenatal and a postnatal open-ended interview were completed with 1 white, middle-class, able, lesbian childbearing couple, each ofwhom has birthed as coparent and biological mother in this couple relationship. Despite this couple's immense situated privilege, they struggled to locate the support they sought for childbearing in a way that offered optimal emotional and physical care from the preconceptual to postpartum stages and which maintained confidentiality or anonymity as desired. They created meaningful care through personal networks. The findings were framed using invitational and feminist theories: how people, places, programs, processes, policies, and politics contributed to educational support. A three part conceptual framework emerged which identified components of access to support: perceived safety of resources, disclosure status, situated privilege, and public or private availability of information. The consequences of lack of public access to comprehensive childbearing care for lesbian women and their communities are described. Educational possibilities addressed systemic heterosexism through the development of sensitive educators, meaningful curriculum, program planning, explicit policies, community partnerships, and political leadership with respect to both institutional and research venues.

Everything that rises must converge: a neo-Marxist analysis of Canadian business-government relations

The following thesis presents an analysis of business-government relations within a neo-Marxist framework. Specifically, the discussion encompasses how the business interest group. the Business Council on National Issues, maintains consensus and unity amongst its monopoly capital members. Furthermore. the study elaborates on the process through which the group's interests are acknowledged and legitimized by the state under the "public interest" f8fue. Most of the literature pertaining to business-government relations within the context of interactions between business interest groups and the state, and such specific branches of the state as the government and/or the civil service. emphasize a liberal-pluralist perspective. Essentially, these writings serve to reflect and legitimate the current slatus quo. Marxist discourses on the subject, while attempting to transcend the liberal-pluralist framework. nevertheless suffer from either economic determinism .. ie., stressing the state's accumulation function but not its legitimation function or historical specificity. A cogent and comprehensive neo-Marxist analysis of business-government relations must discuss both the accumulation and legitimation functions of the state. The process by which the concerns of a particular business interest group become part of the state's policy agenda and subsequently are formulated and implemented into policies which legitimate its dominance is also studied. This inquiry is significant given the liberal-pluralist assumptions of a neutral state and that all interest groups compete "on a level playing field". The author's neo-Marxist paradigm rejects both of these assumptions. Building on concepts from nea-Marxist instrumentalism. structuralism. state monopoly capitalism, and forms and functions of the state perspectives. the author proposes that policies which legitimize the interests of the monopoly capital fraction cannot. be discerned only from the state's activities. per StJ. Clearly, if the liberal-pluralist 3 contention of multiple and conflicting interest groups, including those within the capitalist class, is taken at face value, M interest group such as the Business Council on National Issues (BCND, must somehow maintain. internal consensus Md unity amongst its members. Internal consensus amongst its members ensures that the state can better acknowledge and articulate its concerns into policies that maintain hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction under the "public interest" fllf.JJdq. The author contends that the BCNI focuses most of its interactions on the upper echelons of the civil service since it is this branch of the state which is most responsible for policy formulation and implementation. The author's paradigm is applied within the context of extensively analyzing newspaper coverage. BCN! publications, and other published sources, as well as a personal interview with an executive administrative member of the BeNI. The discussion focuses on how agreement and unity amongst the various interests of the monopoly capital fraction are maintained through the business organization, its policy scope, and finally its interactions with the state. The analysis suggests that while the civil service is an important player in expressing the interests of the BCNI's membership through policies which ostensibly also reflect the "public interest", it is not the only strategic target for the BCNI's interactions with the state. The author's research also highlights the importance of government officials at the Cabinet level and Cabinet Committees. Senior elected officials from the Federal government are also significant in avoiding intergovernmental or interprovincial conflict in implementing policies that legitimize hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction over other fractions and classes.

Gilbert McMicken document, n.d.

Gilbert McMicken emigrated to Upper Canada in 1832 and settled in Chippawa. In 1835 he was married to Ann Theresa Duff. In 1837 the family moved to Queenston where he was directly involved in the Kingston-Queenston trade endeavours begun by Robert Hamilton. He had a variety of interests, including a partnership with James Hamilton, son of Robert Hamilton. He was also a collector of customs in Queenston and operated the Niagara Suspension Bridge Bank for a time. He entered politics and represented Niagara as well as becoming mayor of Clifton, now part of Niagara Falls, Ont., in 1856. McMicken went on to have an illustrious career, serving as land agent and leader of Canada’s first undercover agency. McMicken moved to Manitoba and was active in business and politics. He died in Winnipeg in 1891. Source: Dictionary of Canadian Biography – Gilbert McMicken website (March 22, 2010)