821 resultados para Bourgeois Revolutions
Resumo:
The omnipresent global economic crisis has had a particularly dramatic effect on the global automotive industry. It has increased the need for a 3rd revolution and the move towards mass-collaboration between all industrial players that may ultimately lead to a governance model based on partnership-focused collaborative relationships. The first two revolutions were led by the US and Japan respectively, but we propose that this time, the European automotive industry will lead the way in the 3rd revolution. This new book provides an operations and supply chain management perspective while focusing on the issue of sustainable supplier management. © 2010 by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. All Rights Reserved.
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This paper is a reflection on the history and future of technology-enhanced learning. Over the last century various new technologies were introduced in education. Often, educational revolutions were proclaimed. Unfortunately, most of these new technologies failed to meet the high expectations. This paper reviews the rise and fall of various "revolutionary" learning technologies and analyses what went wrong. Three main driving factors are identified that influence the educational system: 1) educational practice, 2) educational research, and 3) educational technology. The role and position of these factors is elaborated and critically reviewed. Today, again many promising new technologies are being put in place for learning: gaming, social web, and mobile technologies, for example. Inevitably, these are once again proclaimed by its supporters to revolutionise teaching and learning. The paper concludes with identifying a number of relevant factors that substantiate a favourable future outlook of technology-enhanced learning.
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Up to January 2011 authoritarian political regimes in the Middle East had widely been considered stable due to the armed forces, the underdeveloped political institutions, the economic embeddedness of the regimes, the neo-patrimonial structure of the Arab societies and, eventually the characteristics of Islam. Middle Eastern political systems are often considered to belong to a special sub-group of non-democratic regimes called “liberalized autocracies”. The 2011 events show that there is a new, as yet non-defined political structure emerging. Although there are different interpretations of the developments, there is a consensus on the determinant role of the Islamist organizations in the development of the new political structure. The results of the Egyptian and Tunisian parliamentary elections show that the secular political parties could not attract the public, while in Tunisia the long forbidden Hizb an-Nahda could form a government. In Egypt Hizb al-Hurriya established by the Muslim Brotherhood in 2011 won almost half of the parliamentary mandates, and to a great surprise, the Salafi Hizb an-Nour also received 24.3% of the votes. On the basis of the above developments the thesis of the Islamist re-organization of the Middle East, i.e. of a new wave of Islamism was elaborated, according to which the main political winners of the revolts in the Arab countries are the Islamist organizations, which could step in and fill in the political vacuum. While some speak of an Islamist autumn or Islamist winter as the result of the Arab Spring, others prefer the term Islamic revolutions.
Resumo:
A fenntarthatóság kérdésköre napjainkban egyre inkább a figyelem középpontjába kerül. Egyes szerzők egyenesen a következő, a minőségi és az információs forradalomhoz hasonló megatrendnek tartják a fenntarthatóságot (Lubin – Esty, 2010). A tanulmány célja megvizsgálni, mennyiben érvényesül ez a megatrend Magyarországon: mennyiben kezelik stratégiai, versenyképességi kérdésként a magyar vállalatok a környezetvédelmet és a fenntarthatóságot? A szerző tanulmányában bemutatja a fenntartható fejlődés vállalati vonatkozásait, majd megvizsgálja, mennyiben jelennek meg a hazai vállalatok stratégiájában és gyakorlatában a fenntarthatóság aspektusai. Az elemzéshez a Budapesti Corvinus Egyetem Versenyképesség Kutató Központjában 2009-ben lebonyolított kérdőíves felmérés adatait használta fel. _______ Sustainability has been receiving an ever increasing attention in recent years. Some authors even cite sustainability as the next megatrend after quality and IT revolutions (Lubin–Esty, 2010). This paper aims to examine to what extent this megatrend prevails in Hungary: do Hungarian companies treat environmental protection and sustainability as a strategic element of competitiveness? The paper studies the concept of corporate sustainability, then examines the presence of the three aspects of sustainability in the strategy and practice of Hungarian firms. The analysis is based on the results of a survey on competitiveness carried out by the Competitiveness Research Centre of Corvinus University of Budapest in 2009.
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This study deals with the formation, reproduction, and the role in litigation of two branches of the legal profession, lawyers and procurators. They were the experts in charge of civil, criminal, and ecclesiastical litigation during the Old Regime. While the lawyers provided erudite legal advice, procurators oriented and drove the procedure as legal representatives of their clients. The European legal revolutions of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries forged a new legal culture in which the lawsuit was reputed to be the best way to settle disputes. Likewise, that legal culture conferred an important place to specialists as legal facilitators of the contending parties. When Castilians exported their legal system to the New World, they spread a complex and bureaucratic framework, contributing to the reproduction of a class of experts in urban spaces. Lima and Potosi, two urban centers created in the sixteenth century, quickly became significant ‘legal cities’. This dissertation explores how the legal markets of these cities operated, the careers of their specialists, their professional options, social images regarding them, and litigation costs. This study examines the careers of 267 facilitators and demonstrates that they constituted a class of distinctive legal professionals. Legal culture embodies the representation and use of law. The closeness of specialists with litigants, in particular of procurators familiarized the parties with litigation and its complex processes. These specialists forged dominant legal discourses and manipulated juridical order. Litigants were not passive agents of their specialists. Caciques and members of the Hispanicized communities appropriated the law in a visible way as the growing litigiousness illustrates. Colonial law (of a pluralistic basis) was an arena of assertion and discussion of rights by different social actors, encomenderos, leading citizens, widows, native chieftains, artisans, and commoners. This study concludes that this struggle and manipulation served to legitimate the role of those legal experts and gave birth to a complex legalistic society in the Andes under Spanish Habsburg rule.
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This dissertation explores the nature of Jose Marti's ethical ideas in relation to the rise of late Nineteenth Century Modernity and in tandem with the deconstruction and subversion of the principal constituencies of colonial and aesthetic discourses. Marti proposes a new paradigm that question the insatiable pursuit of novelty, the hostility towards tradition, the historical perspectivism and a critical stance with regard to social aesthetic Modernity. He also questions the cult of reason, the linear historicism, and the teleological progress framed in philosophical utilitarian pragmatism of bourgeois Modernity. His radical criticism of the structures and institutions of the hegemonic power of the modern state override the ontological and epistemological foundations of Modernity. Marti's deconstruction of the fundamental discourses of euro-centristic Occidental culture leads him, through his ethical writings, to an arqueology of Native American civilizations, thus reinserting, within the false premises of European universalism, his counter-discourse of tradition and the voice of the Other.
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This paper examines the history of U.S. interventions in Latin America and attempts to explain their frequency by highlighting two factors – besides security and economic interests – that have made American interventions in Latin America so common. First, immense differences in size and influence between the United States and the States of Latin America have made interventions appear to be a low risk solution to crises that threaten American interests in the region. Second, when U.S government concerns and aspirations for Latin America converge with the general fears and aspirations of American foreign policy, interventions become much more likely. Such a convergence pushes Latin American issues high up the U.S. foreign policy agenda because of the region’s proximity to the United States and the perception that costs of intervening are low. The leads proponents of intervention to begin asking questions like “if we cannot stop communism/revolutions/drug-trafficking in Latin America, where can we stop it?” This article traces how these factors influenced the decision to intervene in Latin America during the era of Dollar Diplomacy and during the Cold War. It concludes with three possible scenarios that could lead to a reemergence of an American interventionist policy in Latin America. It makes the argument that even though the United Sates has not intervened in Latin America during the twenty-two years, it is far from clear that American interventions in Latin America will be consigned to the past.
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In a post-Cold War, post-9/11 world, the advent of US global supremacy resulted in the installation, perpetuation, and dissemination of an Absolutist Security Agenda (hereinafter, ASA). The US ASA explicitly and aggressively articulates and equates US national security interests with the security of all states in the international system, and replaced the bipolar, Cold War framework that defined international affairs from 1945-1992. Since the collapse of the USSR and the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, the US has unilaterally defined, implemented, and managed systemic security policy. The US ASA is indicative of a systemic category of knowledge (security) anchored in variegated conceptual and material components, such as morality, philosophy, and political rubrics. The US ASA is based on a logic that involves the following security components: (1) hyper militarization, (2) intimidation,(3) coercion, (4) criminalization, (5) panoptic surveillance, (6) plenary security measures, and (7) unabashed US interference in the domestic affairs of select states. Such interference has produced destabilizing tensions and conflicts that have, in turn, produced resistance, revolutions, proliferation, cults of personality, and militarization. This is the case because the US ASA rests on the notion that the international system of states is an extension, instrument of US power, rather than a system and/or society of states comprised of functionally sovereign entities. To analyze the US ASA, this study utilizes: (1) official government statements, legal doctrines, treaties, and policies pertaining to US foreign policy; (2) militarization rationales, budgets, and expenditures; and (3) case studies of rogue states. The data used in this study are drawn from information that is publicly available (academic journals, think-tank publications, government publications, and information provided by international organizations). The data supports the contention that global security is effectuated via a discrete set of hegemonic/imperialistic US values and interests, finding empirical expression in legal acts (USA Patriot ACT 2001) and the concept of rogue states. Rogue states, therefore, provide test cases to clarify the breadth, depth, and consequentialness of the US ASA in world affairs vis-à-vis the relationship between US security and global security.
Resumo:
The objective of this research was to investigate the reason lumps occur in high-slump concrete and develop adequate batching procedures for a lumps-free high-slump ready-mix concrete mix used by the Florida Department of Transportation. Cement balls are round lumps of cement, sand, and coarse aggregate, typically about the size of a baseball that frequently occur in high-slump concrete. Such lumps or balls jeopardize the structural integrity of structural members. Experiments were conducted at the CSR Rinker concrete plant in Miami, Florida, based on a protocol developed by a team of Florida Department of Transportation (FDOT) concrete engineers, Rinker personnel, and Florida International University faculty. A total of seventeen truckloads were investigated in two phases, between April 2001 and March 2002. The tests consisted of gathering data by varying load size, discharge rate, headwater content, and mixing revolutions. The major finding was that a usual load size and discharge rate, an initial headwater ratio of 30%, and an initial number of revolutions of 100 at 12 revolutions per minute seem to produce a lump-free high-slump concrete. It was concluded that inadequate mixing and batching procedures caused cement lumps. Recommendations regarding specific load size, discharge rates, number of mixing revolutions, and initial water content are made. Clear guidelines for a high-slump concrete batching protocol can be developed, with further testing based on these research conclusions.
Resumo:
In a post-Cold War, post-9/11 world, the advent of US global supremacy resulted in the installation, perpetuation, and dissemination of an Absolutist Security Agenda (hereinafter, ASA). The US ASA explicitly and aggressively articulates and equates US national security interests with the security of all states in the international system, and replaced the bipolar, Cold War framework that defined international affairs from 1945-1992. Since the collapse of the USSR and the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, the US has unilaterally defined, implemented, and managed systemic security policy. The US ASA is indicative of a systemic category of knowledge (security) anchored in variegated conceptual and material components, such as morality, philosophy, and political rubrics. The US ASA is based on a logic that involves the following security components: 1., hyper militarization, 2., intimidation, 3., coercion, 4., criminalization, 5., panoptic surveillance, 6., plenary security measures, and 7., unabashed US interference in the domestic affairs of select states. Such interference has produced destabilizing tensions and conflicts that have, in turn, produced resistance, revolutions, proliferation, cults of personality, and militarization. This is the case because the US ASA rests on the notion that the international system of states is an extension, instrument of US power, rather than a system and/or society of states comprised of functionally sovereign entities. To analyze the US ASA, this study utilizes: 1., official government statements, legal doctrines, treaties, and policies pertaining to US foreign policy; 2., militarization rationales, budgets, and expenditures; and 3., case studies of rogue states. The data used in this study are drawn from information that is publicly available (academic journals, think-tank publications, government publications, and information provided by international organizations). The data supports the contention that global security is effectuated via a discrete set of hegemonic/imperialistic US values and interests, finding empirical expression in legal acts (USA Patriot ACT 2001) and the concept of rogue states. Rogue states, therefore, provide test cases to clarify the breadth, depth, and consequentialness of the US ASA in world affairs vis-a-vis the relationship between US security and global security.
Resumo:
The Last Interglacial (LIG, 129-116 thousand of years BP, ka) represents a test bed for climate model feedbacks in warmer-than-present high latitude regions. However, mainly because aligning different palaeoclimatic archives and from different parts of the world is not trivial, a spatio-temporal picture of LIG temperature changes is difficult to obtain. Here, we have selected 47 polar ice core and sub-polar marine sediment records and developed a strategy to align them onto the recent AICC2012 ice core chronology. We provide the first compilation of high-latitude temperature changes across the LIG associated with a coherent temporal framework built between ice core and marine sediment records. Our new data synthesis highlights non-synchronous maximum temperature changes between the two hemispheres with the Southern Ocean and Antarctica records showing an early warming compared to North Atlantic records. We also observe warmer than present-day conditions that occur for a longer time period in southern high latitudes than in northern high latitudes. Finally, the amplitude of temperature changes at high northern latitudes is larger compared to high southern latitude temperature changes recorded at the onset and the demise of the LIG. We have also compiled four data-based time slices with temperature anomalies (compared to present-day conditions) at 115 ka, 120 ka, 125 ka and 130 ka and quantitatively estimated temperature uncertainties that include relative dating errors. This provides an improved benchmark for performing more robust model-data comparison. The surface temperature simulated by two General Circulation Models (CCSM3 and HadCM3) for 130 ka and 125 ka is compared to the corresponding time slice data synthesis. This comparison shows that the models predict warmer than present conditions earlier than documented in the North Atlantic, while neither model is able to produce the reconstructed early Southern Ocean and Antarctic warming. Our results highlight the importance of producing a sequence of time slices rather than one single time slice averaging the LIG climate conditions.
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The research project examines representations elaborated about Amelia Duarte Machado, images that were built in a particular space: the Natal City. Amelia, one mossoroense that has a simple life, stated a luxurious life after marrying with a rich Portuguese merchant Manuel Machado, in 1904. She led a life of society lady, lived in a sumptuous residence, traveled to Europe, attending the Theatre the city and took care of the social image of her husband, opening the doors of your home to promote dinners and receptions. Experienced the changes occurring in Natal in the first three decades of the twentieth century, when the initiative of a political and intellectual elite of the city began to incorporate bourgeois values and to provide a technical framework focused on the improvements brought by the Industrial Revolution. In 1934, with her husband's death, took over the family business. Besides the widow, also became an enterprising woman. The widow Amelia Machado also became the target of suspicion of the population, rumors about his life. From there emerges a frightening figure in Natal, a being that captured and ate the liver of children, the papa-figo of Natal City, the Widow Machado. In this research, we relate different images that circulated about this woman, who was society lady, dashing widow and papa-figo, articulating these representations with the discourse on female circulating in Natal from 1900 to 1930 yet will raise hypotheses about the creation of the Legend of the Widow Machado
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This thesis investigates the historical influence of the criminal policy in the context that shapes the first specific law for children and adolescents in Brazil, the 1927 Children's Code, a standard that inaugurates the conceptual scission between children and "minor" and their different treatment by the State. The study addresses the demand for order in the context of changes in the working world in the transition from the slave system to the capitalist mode of production, and the corresponding disciplinary and punitive control mechanisms directed to the segment of childhood and adolescence. The theoretical route proposes a questioning of the political construction of law and justice, as well as the conformation of the punitive techniques, and the construction of the stereotype of the "delinquent", prime target of the criminal policy, focusing on the process of criminalization of the segment in question through the confrontation of the Critical perspective with the approaches of Classical and Positive schools. This research shows the imposition of a bourgeois morality that obscures the social conflict attributing it to people isolated by the criminalization of their conduct; and points out that the historical forms of selective social control were greatly influenced by psychiatry and psychology, either by the elaboration of the image of the "delinquent" or by the expected performance of custodial institutions. Finally, the developments and the permanence of the historical roots of the criminal policy are problematized, relating them to the difficulties currently encountered in the consolidation of the legal garantism paradigm proposed by the Children and Adolescent Statute.
Resumo:
This thesis investigates the historical influence of the criminal policy in the context that shapes the first specific law for children and adolescents in Brazil, the 1927 Children's Code, a standard that inaugurates the conceptual scission between children and "minor" and their different treatment by the State. The study addresses the demand for order in the context of changes in the working world in the transition from the slave system to the capitalist mode of production, and the corresponding disciplinary and punitive control mechanisms directed to the segment of childhood and adolescence. The theoretical route proposes a questioning of the political construction of law and justice, as well as the conformation of the punitive techniques, and the construction of the stereotype of the "delinquent", prime target of the criminal policy, focusing on the process of criminalization of the segment in question through the confrontation of the Critical perspective with the approaches of Classical and Positive schools. This research shows the imposition of a bourgeois morality that obscures the social conflict attributing it to people isolated by the criminalization of their conduct; and points out that the historical forms of selective social control were greatly influenced by psychiatry and psychology, either by the elaboration of the image of the "delinquent" or by the expected performance of custodial institutions. Finally, the developments and the permanence of the historical roots of the criminal policy are problematized, relating them to the difficulties currently encountered in the consolidation of the legal garantism paradigm proposed by the Children and Adolescent Statute.
Resumo:
Based on the theoretical approach on the structure and functioning of the capitalist mode of production in the light of the Marxian perspective of Althusser, Poulanzas and Saes, the objective of this study is to describe and analyze the career path of the deployment process of education workers public state of Minas Gerais, in the context of neoliberal educational policies implemented in the period 2003-2014. This study will make use of the techniques of bibliographical and documentary research; to do so, we will try, at first, to establish the correspondence of this peculiar mode of production (capitalism) and the bourgeois state, trying to understand their legal and political structure, characterized by the right and the bourgeois bureaucracy, highlighting the importance of the state apparatus to conditioning ideologies and their structures for prescription of social practices. In the second phase, we will present to the prevailing ideologies School appear in the form of speech and legal and governmental practices in today's society. Finally, we will seek to understand the applicability of the theory studied in the concrete reality of educational public policies implemented in Minas Gerais, in the perspective of democratic government, modernized and efficient state, as opposed to the interests of the Single Union of Education Workers (Sind-UTE / MG). Thus, we can conclude that our work object is to analyze the educational policies of the bourgeois state, focusing on career path in the context of Minas Gerais, from 2003 to 2014, and its social, political and economic education for workers Minas Gerais state and the society today.