888 resultados para 420306 Postcolonial and Global Cultural Studies
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n.s. no.2(1981)
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The world economy is going through its biggest transformation in a relatively short space time. There have been many explanations for this phenomenon but the unprecedented scale and pace of this change and, most crucially, its implications, still seems little understood. In turn, there has been little preparation for, or adjustment to, this changing world, though if the change continues at this pace, the effectiveness of many global institutions in their current form will be threatened. We highlight the dramatic degree of the shifts taking place in world GDP and trade and include fresh projections of what world trade patterns might look like in 2020, should the trends observed over the past decade to continue. We also show the resulting shift in trade relationships for many key countries. European member states tend to have quite different trading partners’ profiles, and this heterogeneity is quite likely to become more pronounced with time. This, in turn, suggests a significant challenge for the effective functioning of the euro area and weakens the original rationale of its creation. If our projections to 2020 are broadly right, then many established frameworks for the running of the world economy and its governance are not going to be fit for purpose, and will need to change. The global monetary system itself, and global organisations such as the IMF, G7, and G20 are going to have to adapt considerably if they want to remain legitimate representatives of the world order. The alternative is their relegation to irrelevance.
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Co-operation between the United States and Germany has for many years been a subject of disputes. In addition to the differences over the US engagement in the resolution of international conflicts, bilateral relations have been strained as a consequence of the so-called Snowden scandal and the unproved allegations that Chancellor Angela Merkel’s telephone was wiretapped. The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership offers a chance for improving relations between Germany and the USA for the first time in many years. Companies from the two countries may benefit from the lifting of some barriers to transatlantic economic co-operation. Furthermore, the emergence of in fact an internal EU and US market, with reduced customs tariffs and harmonised legal and economic rules, will pressure the emerging economies to make their markets more open. The TTIP may create conditions for exporting US raw materials from unconventional sources to the European Union; and this will be a benefit of geopolitical significance for Germany. The German government is aware of the fact that diversification of supplies of fossil fuels will make Europe less dependent on pressure from Moscow.
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The European Union has developed new capacity as a security actor in third countries, in particular in the area of crisis management. Over the past two decades the EU has deployed numerous missions, both of a civilian and military nature. Moreover the EU has defined its ability to intervene all along the ‘crisis cycle’, (from prevention to mediation, from peace-keeping to post-conflict reconstruction) and using all tools at its disposal (taking a ‘comprehensive approach’). However the EU is still not perceived as a major security provider globally and interventions remain limited to some geographic areas, mostly in its neighbourhood and Africa, with just a few examples further afield. The EU also tends to avoid taking direct action and seems to prefer partnership arrangements with other players. How can we explain the growing activism and number of EU’s intervention with the low impact and lack of visibility? Can we expect the EU to become more active in the future, taking on more responsibility and leading roles in addressing conflict situations? This paper will argue that the main reason for the EU’s hesitant role in crisis management is to be found in the weak decision-making provisions for EU’s security interventions, as one of the few policy areas still subject to consensus amongst 28 European Union Member States. Lack of a clearer delegation of competence or stronger coordination structures is closely linked to low legitimacy for the EU to take more robust action as a security actor. In order to overcome this legitimacy problem, and in order to facilitate consensus amongst Member States, the EU thus privileges partnership arrangements with other actors who can provide legitimacy and know-how, such as the UN or the African Union. As there is no political desire in the EU for tighter decision-making in this area, we can expect that the EU will continue to play a supporting rather than leading role in crisis management, becoming the partner of choice as it deepens its experience. However this does not mean that the EU is playing just a secondary role in the wider area of security, in particular when looking at nontraditional security. Looking at the role of the EU in Asia, where the EU has deployed just two missions, this paper will offer a broader assessment of the EU as a partner in the area of security taking into account different types of actions. The paper will argue that in order to strengthen cooperation with Asian partners in the area of crisis management, the EU will need to define better what it is able to offer, present its actions as part of an overall strategy rather than ad-hoc and piecemeal, and enter into partnership arrangements with different players in the region.
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We report ground-based atmospheric measurements and emission estimates for the halons H-1211 (CBrClF₂), H-1301 (CBrF₃), and H-2402 (CBrF₂CBrF₂) from the AGAGE (Advanced Global Atmospheric Gases Experiment) and the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration global networks. We also include results from archived air samples in canisters and from polar firn in both hemispheres, thereby deriving an atmospheric record of nearly nine decades (1930s to present). All three halons were absent from the atmosphere until ~1970, when their atmospheric burdens started to increase rapidly. In recent years H-1211 and H-2402 mole fractions have been declining, but H-1301 has continued to grow. High-frequency observations show continuing emissions of H-1211 and H-1301 near most AGAGE sites. For H-2402 the only emissions detected were derived from the region surrounding the Sea of Japan/East Sea. Based on our observations, we derive global emissions using two different inversion approaches. Emissions for H-1211 declined from a peak of 11 kt yr⁻¹ (late 1990s) to 3.9 kt yr⁻¹ at the end of our record (mean of 2013–2015), for H-1301 from 5.4 kt yr⁻¹ (late 1980s) to 1.6 kt yr⁻¹, and for H-2402 from 1.8 kt yr⁻¹ (late 1980s) to 0.38 kt yr⁻¹. Yearly summed halon emissions have decreased substantially; nevertheless, since 2000 they have accounted for ~30% of the emissions of all major anthropogenic ozone depletion substances, when weighted by ozone depletion potentials.
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BACKGROUND The monoclonal antibody natalizumab (NAT) inhibits the migration of lymphocytes throughout the blood-brain barrier by blocking very late antigen (VLA)-4 interactions, thereby reducing inflammatory central nervous system (CNS) activity in patients with multiple sclerosis (MS). We evaluated the effects of different NAT treatment regimens. METHODS We developed and optimised a NAT assay to measure free NAT, cell-bound NAT and VLA-4 expression levels in blood and cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) of patients using standard and prolonged treatment intervals and after the cessation of therapy. RESULTS In paired CSF and blood samples of NAT-treated MS patients, NAT concentrations in CSF were approximately 100-fold lower than those in serum. Cell-bound NAT and mean VLA-4 expression levels in CSF were comparable with those in blood. After the cessation of therapy, the kinetics of free NAT, cell-bound NAT and VLA-4 expression levels differed. Prolonged intervals greater than 4 weeks between infusions caused a gradual reduction of free and cell-bound NAT concentrations. Sera from patients with and without NAT-neutralising antibodies could be identified in a blinded assessment. The NAT-neutralising antibodies removed NAT from the cell surface in vivo and in vitro. Intercellular NAT exchange was detected in vitro. CONCLUSIONS Incorporating assays to measure free and cell-bound NAT into clinical practice can help to determine the optimal individual NAT dosing regimen for patients with MS.