Bwin.Party Digital Entertainment PLC:n tuloksen muodostumisen muutokset ja niiden yhteys yhtiön markkina-arvoon

Kandidaatintutkielmani aiheena on vuonna 1997 perustettu uhkapeliyhtiö Party Gaming PLC ja vuoden 2011 yritysfuusion jälkeen Bwin.Party Digital Entertainment PLC. Tutkielmani tavoitteena on tutkia yhtiön tuloksen muodostumista ajanjaksolla 2005-2012 ja verrata tuloksenteon muodostumista ja sen muutosta yhtiön markkina-arvon muutoksiin.

A third generation regimen VACOP-B with or without adjuvant radiotherapy for aggressive localized non-Hodgkin's lymphoma: report from the Italian Non-Hodgkin's Lymphoma Co-operative Study Group

The objective of this multicenter prospective study was to determine the clinical efficacy and toxicity of a polychemotherapeutic third generation regimen, VACOP-B, with or without radiotherapy as front-line therapy in aggressive localized non-Hodgkin's lymphoma. Ninety-three adult patients (47 males and 46 females, median age 45 years) with aggressive localized non-Hodgkin's lymphoma, 43 in stage I and 50 in stage II (non-bulky), were included in the study. Stage I patients received VACOP-B for 6 weeks plus involved field radiotherapy and stage II patients received 12 weeks VACOP-B plus involved field radiotherapy on residual masses. Eighty-six (92.5%) achieved complete remission and 4 (4.3%) partial remission. Three patients (3.2%) were primarily resistant. Ten-year probability of survival, progression-free survival and disease-free survival were 87.3, 79.9 and 83.9%, respectively. Eighty-four patients are surviving at a median observation time of 57 months (range: 6-126). Statistical analysis showed no difference between stages I and II in terms of response, ten-year probability of survival, progression-free survival or disease-free survival. Side effects and toxicity were negligible and were similar in the two patient groups. The results of this prospective study suggest that 6 weeks of VACOP-B treatment plus radiotherapy may be the therapy of choice in stage I aggressive non-Hodgkin's lymphoma. Twelve weeks of VACOP-B treatment with or without radiotherapy was shown to be effective and feasible for stage II. These observations need to be confirmed by a phase III study comparing first and third generation protocols in stage I-II aggressive non-Hodgkin's lymphoma.

Reinventing the third way : towards new forms of economic and democratic conduct

Avhandlingen studerar samspelet mellan det politiska och det ekonomiska systemet genom det föregående seklet, med speciellt fokus på den nyliberala omdaning som utspelats de senaste tre årtiondena. Med en liberaliserad ekonomi och en individualiserad människa måste också det politiska systemet utformas på ett annat sätt. Gradvisa förändringar har varit synliga, som den växande nätverksorganiseringen, dvs. att olika typer av utvecklingspolitik allt mer genomförs som ett samspel mellan samhällssektorerna, istället för att enbart utföras av den offentliga sektorn som tidigare. Genom fyra fallstudier i Österbotten demonstreras hur arenor för samverkan kan konstrueras i enlighet med vad den aktuella frågan kräver. Ett exempel är det innovationsnätverk som skapats i Karleby-Jakobstad-regionen, där offentliga och privata intressenter deltar, och som samtidigt bryter traditionella administrativa gränser. Ett annat mer negativt exempel är omstruktureringsprocessen i Kaskö-regionen eft er Metsä-Botnia-fabrikens nedläggning, där småkommunproblemet tillsammans med att den privata intressenten inte haft skyldighet att samverka lett till att en tillräckligt regionalt förankrad arena för en långsiktig utvecklingspolitik inte har kunnat skapas. Det här visar på trögheten i det finska systemet, där en stark enhetsstat och en splittrad kommunal nivå ur ett historiskt perspektiv hindrat flexibla anpassningar till samhällsförändringar. Avhandlingen visar att nätverksorganiseringen bör vara en integrerad del av de representativa strukturerna för att kunna påverka processernas utfall. Avhandlingen visar framförallt att deltagande och funktionellt definierade regionala och lokala arenor har stor potential, både ekonomiskt och demokratiskt. Det handlar om att skapa en kultur med aktiverade och engagerade medborgare, vilket står i kontrast till det allt mer passiverande representativa systemet. ---------------------------------------- Väitöskirja tutkii viime vuosisadan poliittisen ja taloudellisen järjestelmän vuorovaikutusta keskittyen erityisesti kolmen viimeisen vuosikymmenen uusliberaaliseen muutokseen. Talouden liberalisoituminen ja ihmisen individualisoituminen edellyttävät myös poliittisen järjestelmän mukautumista. Asteittaisia muutoksia on ollut havaittavissa, kuten kasvava verkosto-organisaatio, toisin sanoen eri alojen kehityspolitiikkaa toteutetaan yhä enemmän eri yhteiskuntasektoreiden vuorovaikutuksena, kun aikaisemmin ainoastaan julkinen sektori vastasi kehityspolitiikan toteuttamisesta. Pohjanmaan maakunnan neljän tapaustutkimuksen avulla osoitetaan, miten vuorovaikutusareena voidaan rakentaa kulloinkin ajankohtaisen asiakokonaisuuden ympärille. Tästä esimerkkinä on Kokkola-Pietarsaari –alueen innovaatioverkosto, johon osallistuvat sekä julkiset että yksityiset sidosryhmät ja joka samalla rikkoo perinteisiä hallinnollisia rajoja. Toinen, kielteisempi esimerkki on Kaskisten alueen rakennemu utosprosessi Metsä-Botnian tehtaan sulkemisen jälkeen. Siellä pienkuntaongelma yhdistettynä siihen, että yksityinen sidosryhmä ei ole ollut velvollinen tekemään yhteistyötä, on johtanut siihen, että ei ole kyetty luomaan alueen pitkäaikaiseen kehittämiseen sitoutunutta vuorovaikutusareenaa. Tämä osoittaa suomalaisen järjestelmän kankeuden, jossa historiallisesta näkökulmasta vahva yhtenäinen valtio ja hajanainen kuntataso estävät joustavan yhteiskuntamuutoksiin sopeutumisen. Väitöskirja osoittaa, että verkosto-organisaation on oltava yhteiskunnassa vaikuttaviin rakenteisiin integroitu osa, jotta se voi vaikuttaa prosessien tuloksiin. Väitöskirja osoittaa ennen kaikkea, että osallistuvilla ja toiminnallisesti määritellyillä alueellisilla ja paikallisilla areenoilla on suuri taloudellinen ja demokraattinen potentiaali. Passivoivan edustavan järjestelmän tilalle on luotava aktiivisten ja tavoitteisiin sitoutuneiden kansalaisten vuorovaikutusjärjestelmä.

The selective and non-selective cyclooxygenase inhibitors valdecoxib and piroxicam induce the same postoperative analgesia and control of trismus and swelling after lower third molar removal

We compared the clinical efficacy of orally administered valdecoxib and piroxicam for the prevention of pain, trismus and swelling after removal of horizontally and totally intrabony impacted lower third molars. Twenty-five patients were scheduled to undergo removal of symmetrically positioned lower third molars in two separate appointments. Valdecoxib (40 mg) or piroxicam (20 mg) was administered in a double-blind, randomized and crossed manner for 4 days after the surgical procedures. Objective and subjective parameters were recorded for comparison of postoperative courses. Both agents were effective for postoperative pain relief (N = 19). There was a similar mouth opening at suture removal compared with the preoperative values (86.14 ± 4.36 and 93.12 ± 3.70% of the initial measure for valdecoxib and piroxicam, respectively; ANOVA). There was no significant difference regarding the total amount of rescue medication taken by the patients treated with valdecoxib or piroxicam (173.08 ± 91.21 and 461.54 ± 199.85 mg, respectively; Wilcoxon test). There were no significant differences concerning the swelling observed on the second postoperative day compared to baseline measures (6.15 ± 1.84 and 8.46 ± 2.04 mm for valdecoxib and piroxicam, respectively; ANOVA) or on the seventh postoperative day (1.69 ± 1.61 and 2.23 ± 2.09 mm for valdecoxib and piroxicam, respectively; ANOVA). The cyclooxygenase-2 selective inhibitor valdecoxib is as effective as the non-selective cyclooxygenase inhibitor piroxicam for pain, trismus and swelling control after removal of horizontally and totally intrabony impacted lower third molars.

Sequence analysis of the 5′ third of glycoprotein C gene of South American bovine herpesviruses 1 and 5

Bovine herpesviruses 1 (BoHV-1) and 5 (BoHV-5) share high genetic and antigenic similarities, but exhibit marked differences in tissue tropism and neurovirulence. The amino-terminal region of glycoprotein C (gC), which is markedly different in each of the viruses, is involved in virus binding to cellular receptors and in interactions with the immune system. This study investigated the genetic and antigenic differences of the 5′ region of the gC (5′ gC) gene (amino-terminal) of South American BoHV-1 (n=19) and BoHV-5 (n=25) isolates. Sequence alignments of 374 nucleotides (104 amino acids) revealed mean similarity levels of 97.3 and 94.2% among BoHV-1 gC (gC1), respectively, 96.8 and 95.6% among BoHV-5 gC (gC5), and 62 and 53.3% between gC1 and gC5. Differences included the absence of 40 amino acid residues (27 encompassing predicted linear epitopes) scattered throughout 5′ gC1 compared to 5′ gC5. Virus neutralizing assays testing BoHV-1 and BoHV-5 antisera against each isolate revealed a high degree of cross-neutralization between the viruses, yet some isolates were neutralized at very low titers by heterologous sera, and a few BoHV-5 isolates reacted weakly with either sera. The virus neutralization differences observed within the same viral species, and more pronounced between BoHV-1 and BoHV-5, likely reflect sequence differences in neutralizing epitopes. These results demonstrate that the 5′ gC region is well conserved within each viral species but is divergent between BoHV-1 and BoHV-5, likely contributing to their biological and antigenic differences.

Cleavages in contemporary Finland : a study on party-voter ties

Cleavages have been central in understanding the relationship between political parties and voters but the credibility of cleavage approach has been increasingly debated. This is because of decreasing party loyalty, fewer ideological differences between the parties and general social structural change amongst other factors. By definition, cleavages arise when social structural groups recognize their clashing interests, which are reflected in common values and attitudes, and vote for parties that are dedicated to defend the interests of the groups concerned. This study assesses relevance of cleavage approach in the Finnish context. The research problem in this study is “what kind of a cleavage structure exists in Finland at the beginning of the 21st century? Finland represents a case that has traditionally been characterized by a strong and diverse cleavage structure, notable ideological fragmentation in the electorate and an ideologically diverse party system. Nevertheless, the picture of the party-voter ties in Finland still remains incomplete with regard to a thorough analysis of cleavages. In addition, despite the vast amount of literature on cleavages in political science, studies that thoroughly analyze national cleavage structures by assessing the relationship between social structural position, values and attitudes and party choice have been rare. The research questions are approached by deploying statistical analyses, and using Finnish National Election Studies from 2003, 2007 and 2011as data. In this study, seven different social structural cleavage bases are analyzed: native language, type of residential area, occupational class, education, denomination, gender and age cohorts. Four different value/attitudinal dimensions were identified in this study: economic right and authority, regional and socioeconomic equality, sociocultural and European Union dimensions. This study shows that despite the weak overall effect of social structural positions on values and attitudes, a few rather strong connections between them were identified. The overall impact of social structural position and values and attitudes on party choice varies significantly between parties. Cleavages still exist in Finland and the cleavage structure partly reflects the old basis in the Finnish party system. The cleavage that is based on the type of residential area and reflected in regional and socioeconomic equality dimensions concerns primarily the voters of the Centre Party and the Coalition Party. The linguistic cleavage concerns mostly the voters of the Swedish People’s Party. The classic class cleavage reflected in the regional and socioeconomic equality dimension concerns in turn first and foremost the blue-collar voters of the Left Alliance and the Social Democratic Party, the agricultural entrepreneur voters of the Centre Party and higher professional and manager voters of the Coalition Party. The conflict with the most potential as a cleavage is the one based on social status (occupational class and education) and it is reflected in sociocultural and EU dimensions. It sets the voters of the True Finns against the voters of the Green League and the Coalition Party. The study underlines the challenges the old parties have met after the volatile election in 2011, which shook the cleavage structure. It also describes the complexity involved in the Finnish conflict structure and the multidimensionality in the electoral competition between the parties.

Narratives of emergence: rising powers and the end of the Third World?

This article examines recent arguments from development economists, from historians and from international relations specialists that do challenge the continued relevance of the idea of the Third World. It then examines five reasons why these arguments are wrong. We can indeed understand much about emerging powers in terms of how they are seeking to navigate and best position themselves within an existing state-centric, liberal and capitalist order whilst accepting many of the underlying assumptions and values of that order. But the nature of that navigation has been shaped by their historical trajectory and by the developmental, societal and geopolitical context of their emergence.

Grève des cheminots anglais, Mr Arthur Henderson [secrétaire du Labor party] quittant Caxton Hall : [photographie de presse] / [Agence Rol]

Référence bibliographique : Rol, 56234

Le Soldat en peine de prendre party, en vers burlesques

[Mazarinade. 1649]

Marginal/minority popular music : the concept of the "third space" and the case for "hybridities" of cultures/identities /

The topic of this thesis is marginaVminority popular music and the question of identity; the term "marginaVminority" specifically refers to members of racial and cultural minorities who are socially and politically marginalized. The thesis argument is that popular music produced by members of cultural and racial minorities establishes cultural identity and resists racist discourse. Three marginaVminority popular music artists and their songs have been chosen for analysis in support of the argument: Gil Scott-Heron's "Gun," Tracy Chapman's "Fast Car" and Robbie Robertson's "Sacrifice." The thesis will draw from two fields of study; popular music and postcolonialism. Within the area of popular music, Theodor Adorno's "Standardization" theory is the focus. Within the area of postcolonialism, this thesis concentrates on two specific topics; 1) Stuart Hall's and Homi Bhabha's overlapping perspectives that identity is a process of cultural signification, and 2) Homi Bhabha's concept of the "Third Space." For Bhabha (1995a), the Third Space defines cultures in the moment of their use, at the moment of their exchange. The idea of identities arising out of cultural struggle suggests that identity is a process as opposed to a fixed center, an enclosed totality. Cultures arise from historical memory and memory has no center. Historical memory is de-centered and thus cultures are also de-centered, they are not enclosed totalities. This is what Bhabha means by "hybridity" of culture - that cultures are not unitary totalities, they are ways of knowing and speaking about a reality that is in constant flux. In this regard, the language of "Otherness" depends on suppressing or marginalizing the productive capacity of culture in the act of enunciation. The Third Space represents a strategy of enunciation that disrupts, interrupts and dislocates the dominant discursive construction of US and THEM, (a construction explained by Hall's concept of binary oppositions, detailed in Chapter 2). Bhabha uses the term "enunciation" as a linguistic metaphor for how cultural differences are articulated through discourse and thus how differences are discursively produced. Like Hall, Bhabha views culture as a process of understanding and of signification because Bhabha sees traditional cultures' struggle against colonizing cultures as transforming them. Adorno's theory of Standardization will be understood as a theoretical position of Western authority. The thesis will argue that Adorno's theory rests on the assumption that there is an "essence" to music, an essence that Adorno rationalizes as structure/form. The thesis will demonstrate that constructing music as possessing an essence is connected to ideology and power and in this regard, Adorno's Standardization theory is a discourse of White Western power. It will be argued that "essentialism" is at the root of Western "rationalization" of music, and that the definition of what constitutes music is an extension of Western racist "discourses" of the Other. The methodological framework of the thesis entails a) applying semiotics to each of the three songs examined and b) also applying Bhabha's model of the Third Space to each of the songs. In this thesis, semiotics specifically refers to Stuart Hall's retheorized semiotics, which recognizes the dual function of semiotics in the analysis of marginal racial/cultural identities, i.e., simultaneously represent embedded racial/cultural stereotypes, and the marginal raciaVcultural first person voice that disavows and thus reinscribes stereotyped identities. (Here, and throughout this thesis, "first person voice" is used not to denote the voice of the songwriter, but rather the collective voice of a marginal racial/cultural group). This dual function fits with Hall's and Bhabha's idea that cultural identity emerges out of cultural antagonism, cultural struggle. Bhabha's Third Space is also applied to each of the songs to show that cultural "struggle" between colonizers and colonized produces cultural hybridities, musically expressed as fusions of styles/sounds. The purpose of combining semiotics and postcolonialism in the three songs to be analyzed is to show that marginal popular music, produced by members of cultural and racial minorities, establishes cultural identity and resists racist discourse by overwriting identities of racial/cultural stereotypes with identities shaped by the first person voice enunciated in the Third Space, to produce identities of cultural hybridities. Semiotic codes of embedded "Black" and "Indian" stereotypes in each song's musical and lyrical text will be read and shown to be overwritten by the semiotic codes of the first person voice, which are decoded with the aid of postcolonial concepts such as "ambivalence," "hybridity" and "enunciation."

The shifting terrain of feminist theory and activism : university-based women's centres and third wave feminism

This thesis, based on the results of an organizational ethnography of a university-based feminist organization in Southern Ontario (the Centre), traces how third wave feminism is being constituted in the goals, initiatives, mandate, organizational structure, and overall culture of university-based feminist organizations. I argue that, from its inception, the meanings and goals of the Centre have been contested through internal critique, reflection, and discussion inspired by significant shifts in feminist theory that challenge the fundamental principles of second wave feminism. I identify a major shift in the development and direction of the Centre that occurs in two distinct phases. The first phase of the shift occurs with the emergence of an antioppression framework, which broadens the Centre's mandate beyond gender and sexism to consider multiple axes of identity and oppression that affect women's lives. The second phase of this shift is characterized by a focus on (trans) inclusion and accessibility and has involved changing the Centre's name so that it is no longer identified as a women's centre in order to reflect more accurately its focus on mUltiple axes of identity and oppression. Along with identifying two phases of a major shift in the direction of the Centre, I trace two discourses about its development. The dominant discourse of the Centre's development is one of progress and evolution. The dominant discourse characterizes the Centre as a dynamic feminist organization that consistently strives to be more inclusive and diverse. The reverse discourse undermines the dominant discourse by emphasizing that, despite the Centre's official attempts to be inclusive and to build diversity, little has actually changed, leaving women of colour marginalized in the Centre's dominant culture of whiteness. This research reveals that, while many of their strategies have unintended (negative) consequences, members of the Centre are working to build an inclusive politics of resistance that avoids the mistakes of earlier feminist movements and organizations. These members, along with other activists, actively constitute third wave feminism in a process that is challenging, contradictory, and often painful. A critical analysis of this process and the strategies it involves provides an opportunity for activists to reflect on their experiences and develop new strategies in an effort to further struggles for social justice and equity.

Spelling performance of third grade students : a comparison of whole-language-plus-strategy instruction, strategy instruction only, and the whole language approach

This study investigated three methods for teaching children how to spell. Third grade students were divided into three conditions for a one-week training period consisting of 15- to 20-minute lessons. One of the two experimental conditions used a whole language approach along with explicit strategy instruction. The second condition used strategy instruction within a traditional setting. The control used strictly a whole language approach to le~ing hO\\l to spell. The spelling perfonnance of all three conditions improved after the one-week training period. However, students in the strategy instruction groups did significantly better on the study "'7ords than the whole language only group. The students in whole-Ianguage-plusstrateg)! instruction outperformed both other groups. Significantly better spelling perfonnance was observed even at the nine-week posttest. This study frrst supported the hypothesis that children can make significantly greater improven1ents in their spelling when explicitly taught how to use spelling strategies. Secondl)', this study indicated that whole language provided a relevant context for the study words, clearly giving the students in the whole-Ianguage-plus-strategy condition an additional advantage.