890 resultados para tactical voting


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1 Brief von Edith Kriss an Margot von Mendelssohn, 13.10.1943; 1 Brief von Margot von Mendelssohn an Max Horkheimer, 23.01.1944; 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an Henryk Grossman, 10.04.1944; 1 Brief von Nevitt Sanford an Max Horkheimer, 21.01.1944; 2 Briefe zwischen Richard C. Rothschild und Frederick Pollock, 1944; 1 Brief von Frederick Pollock an das Registrar for Voting in New York Country, [1944]; 1 Brief von Theodor W. Adorno an Frederick Pollock, 07.06.1944;

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Cancer cell lines can be treated with a drug and the molecular comparison of responders and non-responders may yield potential predictors that could be tested in the clinic. It is a bioinformatics challenge to apply the cell line-derived multivariable response predictors to patients who respond to therapy. Using the gene expression data from 23 breast cancer cell lines, I developed three predictors of dasatinib sensitivity by selecting differentially expressed genes and applying different classification algorithms. The performance of these predictors on independent cell lines with known dasatinib response was tested. The predictor based on weighted voting method has the best overall performance. It correctly predicted dasatinib sensitivity in 11 out of 12 (92%) breast and 17 out of 23 (74%) lung cancer cell lines. These predictors were then applied to the gene expression data from 133 breast cancer patients in an attempt to predict how the patients might respond to dasatinib therapy. Two predictors identified 13 patients in common to be dasatinib sensitive. Sixty two percent of these cases are triple negative (ER-negative, HER2-negative and PR-negative) and 76% are double negative. The result is consistent with the findings from other studies, which identified a target population for dasatinib treatment to be triple negative or basal breast cancer subtype. In conclusion, we think that the cell line-derived dasatinib classifiers can be applied to the human patients. ^

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Stakeholder groups with special interests as donors to finance congressional campaigns have been a controversial issue in the United Sates. While previous studies concentrated on whether a connection existed between the campaign contributions provided by stakeholder groups and the voting behavior of congressional members, there is little evidence to show the trend of allocation of their campaign contributions to their favorite candidates during the elections. This issue has become increasingly important in the health sector since the health care reform bill was passed in early 2010.^ This study examined the long-term trend of campaign contributions offered by various top healthcare stakeholder groups to particular political parties (i.e. Democrat and Republican). The main focus of this paper was to observe and describe the financial donations provided by these healthcare stakeholder groups in the congressional election cycles from 1990 to 2008 in order to obtain an overview of their patterns of campaign contributions. Their contributing behaviors were characterized based on the campaign finance data collected by the Center for Responsive Politics (CRP). Specifically, I answered the questions: (1) to which political party did specific healthcare stakeholder groups give money and (2) what was the pattern of their campaign contributions from 1990 to 2008?^ The findings of my study revealed that the healthcare stakeholder groups had different political party preferences and partisanship orientations regarding the Democratic or Republican Party. These differences were obvious throughout the election cycles from 1990 to 2008 and their distinct patterns of financial contribution were evident across industries in the health sector as well. Among all the healthcare stakeholder groups in this study, physicians were the top contributors in the congressional election. The pharmaceutical industry was the only group where the majority of contribution funds were allocated to Republicans in every election period studied. This study found that no interest group has succeeded in electing the preferred congressional candidate by giving the majority of its financial support to the winning party in every election. Chiropractors, hospitals/nursing homes, and health services/HMOs performed better than other healthcare stakeholder groups by supporting the electoral winner 8 out of 9 election cycles.^

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La concordia está fundada, de acuerdo a Cicerón, en la objetividad universal que representa la superación de la multiplicidad relativista. La gloria es en este marco el premio para el buen gobernante que sacrifica su vida por la patria. El pacto, en cambio, cimenta la unidad en un acto voluntario. El gobernante es el táctico que cumple con habilidad lo pactado. La unión de ciudadanos no es el fruto de la concordia sino del poder, sólo consiste en cumplir lo pactado, por consiguiente no es necesario honrar a nadie ni otorgarle gloria

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Fil: Saja, Juan Manuel. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

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En la Verdadera historia de Hans Staden, de 1557, se puede observar una apropiación táctica de la otredad del caníbal en un relato de aventuras que, más tarde, se integraría en un proyecto editorial con fines estratégicos en un contexto específicamente protestante. El entenado de Juan José Saer (1982) no constituye un simple regreso al imaginario colonial de lo antropofágico, sino que funciona como una compleja "Umschrift" de esta tradición, en el sentido freudiano. La visión del canibalismo en Saer se separa de la de Staden precisamente por haberse producido, con el psicoanálisis, una nueva funcionalización antropológica de la figura del caníbal, que deja de ser el otro externo para convertirse en una otredad interna instalada como condición propia en la psique de cada ser humano

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Fil: Saja, Juan Manuel. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

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En la Verdadera historia de Hans Staden, de 1557, se puede observar una apropiación táctica de la otredad del caníbal en un relato de aventuras que, más tarde, se integraría en un proyecto editorial con fines estratégicos en un contexto específicamente protestante. El entenado de Juan José Saer (1982) no constituye un simple regreso al imaginario colonial de lo antropofágico, sino que funciona como una compleja "Umschrift" de esta tradición, en el sentido freudiano. La visión del canibalismo en Saer se separa de la de Staden precisamente por haberse producido, con el psicoanálisis, una nueva funcionalización antropológica de la figura del caníbal, que deja de ser el otro externo para convertirse en una otredad interna instalada como condición propia en la psique de cada ser humano

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La concordia está fundada, de acuerdo a Cicerón, en la objetividad universal que representa la superación de la multiplicidad relativista. La gloria es en este marco el premio para el buen gobernante que sacrifica su vida por la patria. El pacto, en cambio, cimenta la unidad en un acto voluntario. El gobernante es el táctico que cumple con habilidad lo pactado. La unión de ciudadanos no es el fruto de la concordia sino del poder, sólo consiste en cumplir lo pactado, por consiguiente no es necesario honrar a nadie ni otorgarle gloria

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En la Verdadera historia de Hans Staden, de 1557, se puede observar una apropiación táctica de la otredad del caníbal en un relato de aventuras que, más tarde, se integraría en un proyecto editorial con fines estratégicos en un contexto específicamente protestante. El entenado de Juan José Saer (1982) no constituye un simple regreso al imaginario colonial de lo antropofágico, sino que funciona como una compleja "Umschrift" de esta tradición, en el sentido freudiano. La visión del canibalismo en Saer se separa de la de Staden precisamente por haberse producido, con el psicoanálisis, una nueva funcionalización antropológica de la figura del caníbal, que deja de ser el otro externo para convertirse en una otredad interna instalada como condición propia en la psique de cada ser humano

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La concordia está fundada, de acuerdo a Cicerón, en la objetividad universal que representa la superación de la multiplicidad relativista. La gloria es en este marco el premio para el buen gobernante que sacrifica su vida por la patria. El pacto, en cambio, cimenta la unidad en un acto voluntario. El gobernante es el táctico que cumple con habilidad lo pactado. La unión de ciudadanos no es el fruto de la concordia sino del poder, sólo consiste en cumplir lo pactado, por consiguiente no es necesario honrar a nadie ni otorgarle gloria

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Social desirability and the fear of sanctions can deter survey respondents from responding truthfully to sensitive questions. Self-reports on norm breaking behavior such as shoplifting, non-voting, or tax evasion may therefore be subject to considerable misreporting. To mitigate such misreporting, various indirect techniques for asking sensitive questions, such as the randomized response technique (RRT), have been proposed in the literature. In our study, we evaluate the viability of several variants of the RRT, including the recently proposed crosswise-model RRT, by comparing respondents’ self-reports on cheating in dice games to actual cheating behavior, thereby distinguishing between false negatives (underreporting) and false positives (overreporting). The study has been implemented as an online survey on Amazon Mechanical Turk (N = 6,505). Our results indicate that the forced-response RRT and the unrelated-question RRT, as implemented in our survey, fail to reduce the level of misreporting compared to conventional direct questioning. For the crosswise-model RRT, we do observe a reduction of false negatives (that is, an increase in the proportion of cheaters who admit having cheated). At the same time, however, there is an increase in false positives (that is, an increase in non-cheaters who falsely admit having cheated). Overall, our findings suggest that none of the implemented sensitive questions techniques substantially outperforms direct questioning. Furthermore, our study demonstrates the importance of distinguishing false negatives and false positives when evaluating the validity of sensitive question techniques.

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We construct an empirically informed computational model of fiscal federalism, testing whether horizontal or vertical equalization can solve the fiscal externality problem in an environment in which heterogeneous agents can move and vote. The model expands on the literature by considering the case of progressive local taxation. Although the consequences of progressive taxation under fiscal federalism are well understood, they have not been studied in a context with tax equalization, despite widespread implementation. The model also expands on the literature by comparing the standard median voter model with a realistic alternative voting mechanism. We find that fiscal federalism with progressive taxation naturally leads to segregation as well as inefficient and inequitable public goods provision while the alternative voting mechanism generates more efficient, though less equitable, public goods provision. Equalization policy, under both types of voting, is largely undermined by micro-actors' choices. For this reason, the model also does not find the anticipated effects of vertical equalization discouraging public goods spending among wealthy jurisdictions and horizontal encouraging it among poor jurisdictions. Finally, we identify two optimal scenarios, superior to both complete centralization and complete devolution. These scenarios are not only Pareto optimal, but also conform to a Rawlsian view of justice, offering the best possible outcome for the worst-off. Despite offering the best possible outcomes, both scenarios still entail significant economic segregation and inequitable public goods provision. Under the optimal scenarios agents shift the bulk of revenue collection to the federal government, with few jurisdictions maintaining a small local tax.

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Studies on Western democracies have shown that deep-seated social cleavages stabilize the electoral behavior and thus reduce electoral volatility. But how do social cleavages affect a party system that is undergoing democratic consolidation, such as in Turkey? In this study, investigations were carried out on long- and short-term relationships between social cleavages (religiosity, ethnicity, and sectarism) and electoral volatility in Turkey during the 1961-2002 period. Cross-sectional multiple regressions were applied to electoral and demographic data at the provincial level. The results showed that in the long-term, social cleavages on the whole have increased volatility rather than reduced it. The cleavage-volatility relationship, however, has changed over time. Repeated elections have mitigated the volatile effect of social cleavages on the voting behavior, as political parties have become more representative of the existent social cleavages.