874 resultados para defensive homicide


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During the civil war (1936-39) was built a network of defensive settlements on the coast in anticipation of attacks enemies, forming the so-called 'wall Mediterranean', because of its similarity with the Wall Atlantic of the World War II. These enclaves were composed of groups of batteries, bunkers and buildings. This communication comes to inventory and draw the remains of more than 50 architectures that are located in the Valencian South Coast (from Denia to Torrevieja), documenting the first ruins of hormigion armed with our history. It's a set of military settlements anti-aircraft, mostly scattered coastal rural, which are a great heritage and landscape value, and from which planes haven't been preserved. It is to lift current state record of them all, proceeding to its typological classification, in order to contribute to its assessment and protection on the grounds that they constitute a legacy of architectural heritage that increases our cultural memory.history.

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Objetivo: Analizar las características asociadas al riesgo de feminicidio en España entre mujeres expuestas a la violencia de pareja o análogo y su posible asociación con las denuncias a los agresores. Métodos: Se realizó un estudio de casos y controles para el periodo 2010-2011. Los casos, 135 mujeres mayores de edad, asesinadas por su pareja o análogo durante dicho periodo, se identificaron a través de la página web de la Federación de Asociaciones de Mujeres Separadas y Divorciadas, y de los informes del Consejo General del Poder Judicial. Los controles, 185 mujeres expuestas a la violencia de pareja el último año, proceden de la Macroencuesta de Violencia de Género 2011. La asociación entre la denuncia y el riesgo de feminicidio se estimó mediante modelos de regresión logística multivariada. Resultados: No se encontró asociación entre denunciar al agresor y el riesgo de ser asesinada (odds ratio [OR]: 1,38; intervalo de confianza del 95% [IC95%]: 0,68-2,79). Las mujeres inmigrantes expuestas a la violencia de pareja registraron una mayor probabilidad de ser asesinadas (ref.: mujeres españolas; OR: 5,38; IC95%: 2,41-11,99). Esta asociación también se observó en las mujeres que vivían en zonas rurales (ref: zonas urbanas; OR: 2,94; IC95%: 1,36-6,38). Conclusiones: La denuncia judicial al agresor no parece modificar el riesgo de asesinato entre las mujeres expuestas a la violencia de pareja. Las medidas de protección a las mujeres deberían extremarse en las mujeres inmigrantes y las que viven en el medio rural.

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Since ancient times, Alicante has been considered a strategic location on the east coast of Spain. Situated close to the sea, it is protected to the southeast by the Cape of Huerta and to the southwest by the Cape of Santa Pola. The city lies at the foot of Mount Benacantil, a high outcrop which has been the site of defensive buildings since time immemorial due to its naturally strong position: it was undoubtedly one of the strongest natural sites in the Levant. Its summit, lying 160 metres above the sea, is topped by a series of fortified enclosures now known as Santa Barbara Castle. This paper briefly describes the alterations made to the castle fortifications from its origins through the Renaissance, including the Muslim and Christian periods until the late fifteenth century and subsequent alterations to adapt new bastioned fortification techniques, and depicts the status of the fortress in each period. This paper is the result of doctoral research carried out at different national and international archives and leading to a thesis presented in 2011.

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This communication develops the process of interventions of the Renaissance fortress of a new plant built in 1554–57 in Santa Pola. It is one of the earliest examples built with reference to military architecture theoretical treaties (XV–XVI) and best preserved. The study runs its own story from its initial military use, through the use of civil equipment until the final cultural and Museum Center. First, the project of Italian origin is examined and its use as barracks for troops for a duration of three centuries (1557–1850), pointing out the architectural constants of war machinery in a defense position and its origin as a rainwater collector and cistern: a perfect square with two bastions in which a plan of the uprising is preserved (1778). Secondly, we study the changes in the mentioned architecture throughout a century and a half (1850–1990) after its change of ownership (from the state to the municipality), and as a result of the new use as a city hall and public endowment: a market and health and leisure centre, which meant the demolition of defensive elements and the opening up to the outside of the inner parade ground. And thirdly, the new transfer of the municipal offices brings in the beginning of a project of transformations (1990–2015) that retrieves the demolished elements at the same time as it assigns the entire fort for a cultural centre: exhibition, research and history museum, promoting the identity between the citizens and the building which stands in the foundations of their city. The conclusions take us through an interesting route that goes from the approach of defensive tactics, its use as administrative headquarters to the current cultural policy of preservation. In addition, all the known plans of the fort are recovered (of military, civil and cultural use), some unpublished, as well as the project of the North wing that has guided the last operation and which has been set as a pattern of reference.

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Superior recall of domain-specific patterns is well established as a defining attribute of expert performers. Recent studies on the developmental histories of expert team ball sport players (e.g. Baker, Côté, & Abernethy, 2003a) also suggest that experts characteristically receive exposure to a wide range of sports in their developing years and that this related sports experience may reduce the amount of sport-specific training needed to become an expert. This study examined whether the facilitation of expertise associated with other sport experience might arise from positive transfer of pattern recall skills from one sport to another. Expert netball, basketball and field hockey players and experienced non-experts performed a recall task for patterns of play derived from each of these sports. Experts from sports different to those shown in the presented pattern consistently outperformed non-experts in their recall of defensive player positions, suggesting some selective transfer of pattern recall skills may indeed be possible

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Traditionally, ice-binding proteins (IBPs), also known as antifreeze proteins (AFPs), have been defined by two universal activities: ice recrystallization inhibition and thermal hysteresis. However, there remains the possibility IBPs have other complementary functions given the diversity found within this protein group. This thesis explores some of these in both natural and applied settings, in the hopes of furthering our understanding of this remarkable group of proteins. Plant IBPs could function as part of a defensive strategy against ice nucleators produced by certain pathogens. To assess this hypothesis, recombinant IBPs from perennial ryegrass and purple false brome were combined with the ice nucleation protein (INP) from the plant pathogen, Pseudomonas syringae. Strikingly, the plant proteins depressed the freezing point of the bacterial INP, while a fish AFP could not, nor did the INPs have any effect on IBP activity. Thus, the interaction between these two different proteins suggests a role in plant defensive strategies against pathogenic bacteria as another IBP function. In addition, the potential use of hyperactive insect IBPs in organ preservation was investigated. Current kidney preservation techniques involve storing the organ at 4 °C for a maximum of 24 h prior to transplantation. Extending this “safe” time would have profound effects on renal transplants, however, ischemic injury is prevalent when storage periods are prolonged. Experiments described here allowed subzero preservation for 72 h with the addition of a beetle IBP to CryoStasis® solution. Kidneys stored using the traditional technique for 24 h and the method developed here for 72 h showed similar levels of biomarker enzymes, underscoring the potential utility of insect IBPs for future transplant purposes. Finally, IBP function in the freeze-tolerant gall fly, Eurosta solidaginis, was examined. Larvae representing the mid-autumn stage displayed ice-binding activity, suggesting an IBP is being expressed, possibly as a protective measure against freezing damage when fall temperatures can unpredictably drop. IBP activity was also observed in the larvae’s host plant, Solidago spp. Mass spectrometry analysis of ice-affinity purified plant extracts provided three candidate pathogenesis-related proteins that could be responsible for the detected activity, further demonstrating additional functions of IBPs.

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Defence mechanisms (DM) were investigated in infertile couples (n = 60) waiting for their first infertility consultation, making use of the Defense Mechanisms Inventory (DMI). When compared with results of fertile couples (n = 60), infertile men and women showed a significant trend to avoid the use of defence mechanisms that enable the expression of aggressive impulses as well as a tendency to overuse defence mechanisms that enable the rationalization and negation of frustrating sutations. Such data seem to indicate the presence of defensive inflexibility in couples affected by reproductive stress, while in common couples defensive flexibility is to be expected.

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From the Introduction. The pharmaceutical sector inquiry carried out by the European Commission in 2008 provides a useful framework for assessing the relationship between the patent system on the one hand and competition policy and law on the other hand. The pharmaceutical market is not only specifically regulated. It is also influenced by the special characteristics of the patent system which enables pharmaceutical companies engaged in research activities to enter into additional arrangements to cope with the competitive pressures of early patent application and the delays in drug approval. Patents appear difficult to reconcile with the need for sufficient and adequate access to medicines, which is why competition expectations imposed on the pharmaceutical sector are very high. The patent system and competition law are interacting components of the market, into which they must both be integrated. This can result in competition law taking a very strict view on the pharmaceutical industry by establishing strict functional performance standards for the reliance on intellectual property rights protection granted by patent law. This is in particular because in this sector the potential welfare losses are not likely to be of only monetary nature. In brief, the more inefficiencies the patent system produces, the greater the risk of an expansive application of competition law in this field. The aim of the present study is to offer a critical and objective view on the use or abuse of patents and defensive strategies in the pharmaceutical industry. It shall also seek to establish whether patents as presently regulated offer an appropriate degree of protection of intellectual property held by the economic operators in the pharmaceutical sector and whether there is a need or, for that matter, scope for improvement. A useful starting point for the present study is provided by the pharmaceutical sector competition inquiry (hereafter “the sector inquiry”) carried out by the European Commission during the first half of 2008. On 8 July 2008, the Commission adopted its Final Report pursuant to Article 17 of Regulation 1/2003 EC, revealing a series of “antitrust shortcomings” that would require further investigation1.

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The conflict in Syria, which has lasted since 2011, has become the most significant test of the efficiency of Turkey’s foreign policy and the biggest challenge to Turkey’s security in recent decades. The lack of a clear prospect of an end to the war does not allow us to come to a final conclusion regarding the Syrian civil war’s importance for Turkey. However, it can be said today that with the exception of the initial phase of the conflict, Ankara’s influence over the course of events in Syria has been limited, and the war itself is evolving in a direction that is unfavourable for Turkey: the hostile regime of Bashar al-Assad is still in power, the opposition has proved to be an unreliable or even a dangerous ally, and in northern Syria militant jihadist groups and Kurds are gaining importance. It is also quite unlikely that the West will take any greater responsibility for stabilising the situation in the region. In response to such an unfortunate situation, and out of fear of risking deeper involvement in the conflict, during the past year Turkey’s policy towards Syria has been restrained, reactive and focused mainly on defending Turkey’s territory. However, this policy offers no security guarantees and does not prevent the country’s regional position from weakening, especially in the context of the reinforcement of the jihadist militants and the Kurdish autonomy in northern Syria. The arguments for Turkey continuing its defensive policy are strong: the country fears the possible results of an open confrontation with Assad’s forces; most probably it could not count on support for such actions from within its own society or its Western allies. It also does not have enough acceptance within the anti-Assad opposition circles. On the other hand, though, the risk of uncontrolled development of events is still present; the risk of confrontations with armed jihadist militants is growing; and the potential operation of Turkish forces, either against the jihadists or against Assad’s army, could be considered as a method of diverting attention from the political problems with which the AKP government has been struggling at home.

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Russia’s policy towards the Middle East is instrumental. Its activity in the region has been growing since the middle of the last decade, and its aim is to help Moscow achieve its objectives in other areas, particularly in its policies towards the US and Europe, as well as its energy policy. The establishment of these political influences constitutes a bargaining chip for Russia in its relations with the US. Russia’s participation in resolving conflicts is aimed at building up its image as a supra-regional power. Russia’s Middle East policy is a key element in its contacts with the Muslim world. At the same time, Russia’s policy in the region remains cautious – despite its return to the region, Russia has not decided to ‘play’ for the Middle East, and its position and role in the region remain limited. The balance of power in the Middle East has been shifting in the aftermath of the Arab revolutions. However, it does not seem that they have opened up larger opportunities for Russian policy in the region. The Russian elite has been divided in its assessment of the consequences of these events. One part of it has displayed scepticism, treating the revolutions rather as a threat than a chance to strengthen their own position. The revolutions were not seen as democratisation processes, but rather as a destabilisation of the region and as posing an increased danger from radical Islam. For the other part of the elite, the revolutions were the natural consequence of the social changes occurring in the region. This internal dispute made it difficult for Russia to present a cohesive approach to the Arab revolutions, and its stance was reactive. The defensive position which Moscow adopted showed that Russia did not have the potential to mould the political situation, either in the region as a whole or its individual countries; neither did it display any willingness to do so. What Moscow is doing is positioning itself in such a way so as not to spoil relations with any other actor in the region, and to be able to exploit any possible emerging opportunities in case of further-reaching changes.

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From 1972 to 1993 Denmark staged four referenda on the EU. Two of them in particular hold valuable lessons for Britain seeking new terms - in June 1992 on the Treaty on European Union (Maastricht Treaty), the Danes voted “NO” with a slim majority; this was followed by another vote on the treaty in May 1993 on the Edinburgh Agreement with a “YES” vote. Joergen Oerstroem Moeller was directly involved in all four referenda and served 1989-1997 as State-Secretary in the Royal Danish Foreign Ministry. The result of a referendum may and often will be decided by policy decisions shaping the electorates’ perception long before the voting takes place. The majority votes according to instinct and intuition and is often guided by emotions. The Danish case highlights the importance of defining clearly specific exceptions, working hard to explain the case (at home and abroad), establishing good-will, and conveying that exceptions are in principle temporary and do not require treaty changes. The objectives laid out at the start of the process must be achievable. The member state in question should not manoeuvre itself into humiliating back-pedalling at the final negotiation round: if so it arouses suspicion among the electorate that it is being manipulated and deceived. During the campaign media attention will primarily focus on dissent and scepticism presenting the establishment with the tedious task of confuting accusations of all kinds. The YES camp will be pushed into the defensive by the NO camp setting the agenda. Time and effort and political capital needed to be invested for the positive outcome.

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The post-Arab Spring period in Morocco has undergone different stages of changing state-society relations with regard to democracy, citizenship and human rights. The first stage, between February 2011 and the summer of 2013, was characterised by popular protests demanding democracy and freedom. People criticised public policies related to civil, political and social rights (employment, health, education, the status of women, and the issue of Amazigh). This outburst put the state in an awkward, defensive position. If we compare Morocco with the other Arab Spring countries, the Moroccan state’s reaction was moderate in its use of violence and repression, and it was positive, in that it resulted in the implicit, yet official acceptance of the demands for democracy, citizenship and battling corruption. In his speech on 9 March 2011, the king pledged to modify the Constitution and democratise the institutions.

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Linebacker Anderson calls defensive signals, Alex Marshall (59) and Brent White (88) in line.

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[l-r: defensive coordinator Greg Mattison, Ben Huff, Jarrett Irons]

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[Hewlett switched to defensive back his junior year]