767 resultados para cyber-terrorism


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This article provides a legal and economic analysis of private copying levies in the EU, against the background of the Copyright Directive (2001/29), a number of recent rulings by the European Court of Justice and the recommendations presented by mediator Vitorino earlier this year. It concludes that notwithstanding these rulings and recommendations, there remains a lack of concordance on the relevance of contractual stipulations and digital rights management technologies (DRM) for setting levies, and the concept of harm. While Mr Vitorino and AG Sharpston (in the Opinion preceding VG Wort v. Kyocera) use different lines of reasoning to argue that levies raised on authorised copies would lead to double payment, the Court of Justice’s decision in VG Wort v. Kyocera seems to conclude that such copies should nonetheless be levied. If levies are to provide fair compensation for harm resulting from acts of private copying, economic analysis suggests one should distinguish between various kinds of private copies and take account of the extent to which the value said copies have for consumers can be priced into the purchase. Given the availability of DRM (including technical protection measures), the possibility of such indirect appropriation leads to the conclusion that the harm from most kinds of private copies is de minimis and gives no cause for levies. The user value of copies from unauthorised sources (e.g. from torrent networks or cyber lockers), on the other hand, cannot be appropriated indirectly by rightholders. It is, however, an open question in references for preliminary rulings pending at the Court of Justice whether these copies are included in the scope of the private copying exception or limitation and can thus be levied for. If they are not, as currently happens in several EU Member States, legal and economic analysis leads to the conclusion that the scope of private copying acts giving rise to harm susceptible of justifying levies is gradually diminishing.

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Der Bundesrat unterzeichnete ein Abkommen über den Austausch von Polizeidaten mit den USA. – Das Bundesgericht hiess die Beschwerde von Google Streetview teilweise gut. – Der Bundesrat stellte die Strategie zum Schutz der Schweiz vor Cyber-Risiken vor. – Das Bundesgericht hiess den Deal in Causa Tinner gut. – In Bern haben 10‘000 Jugendliche gegen die Trägheit des Berner Nachtlebens demonstriert. – Das Parlament beschloss die Wiedereinführung der verdeckten Ermittlungen. – Cannabiskonsum wird künftig mit einer Busse von 100 Franken bestraft. – Das Parlament verabschiedete ein Bundesgesetz betreffend die Unverjährbarkeit pornographischer Straftaten an Kinder. – Der Bundesrat präsentierte einen Gegenvorschlag zur Volksinitiative „Pädophile sollen nicht mehr mit Kindern arbeiten dürfen“. – Die SVP lancierte eine Volksinitiative zur Durchsetzung der Ausschaffung krimineller Ausländer. – Die Konferenz der kantonalen Justiz- und Polizeidirektoren verabschiedete eine Verschärfung des Hooligan-Konkordats. – Das Parlament beschloss ein Bundesgesetz über die Massnahmen gegen Zwangsheiraten.

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The paper showcases the field- and lab-documentation system developed for Kinneret Regional Project, an international archaeological expedition to the Northwestern shore of the Sea of Galilee (Israel) under the auspices of the University of Bern, the University of Helsinki, Leiden University and Wofford College. The core of the data management system is a fully relational, server-based database framework, which also includes time-based and static GIS services, stratigraphic analysis tools and fully indexed document/digital image archives. Data collection in the field is based on mobile, hand-held devices equipped with a custom-tailored stand-alone application. Comprehensive three-dimensional documentation of all finds and findings is achieved by means of total stations and/or high-precision GPS devices. All archaeological information retrieved in the field – including tachymetric data – is synched with the core system on the fly and thus immediately available for further processing in the field lab (within the local network) or for post-excavation analysis at remote institutions (via the WWW). Besides a short demonstration of the main functionalities, the paper also presents some of the key technologies used and illustrates usability aspects of the system’s individual components.

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The Islamic headscarf has become the subject of heated legal and political debate. France and Germany have legislated against it, and even the UK, long a champion of multiculturalism, has recently restricted the veil proper. Ever since home-grown Islamic terrorism struck Europe, these debates have become even more prominent, impassioned and wide-ranging, with vital global importance. In this concise and beautifully written introduction to the politics of the veil in modern societies, Christian Joppke examines why a piece of clothing could have led to such controversy. He dissects the multiple meanings of the Islamic headscarf, and explores its links with the global rise of Islam, Muslim integration, and the retreat from multiculturalism. He argues that the headscarf functions as a mirror of identity, but one in which national and liberal identities overlap, exposing the paradox that while it may be an affront to liberal values, its suppression is equally illiberal.

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There is an ongoing mission in Afghanistan; a mission driven by external political forces. At its core this mission hopes to establish peace, to protect the populace, and to install democracy. Each of these goals has remained just that, a goal, for the past eight years as the American and international mission in Afghanistan has enjoyed varied levels of commitment. Currently, the stagnant progress in Afghanistan has led the international community to become increasingly concerned about the viability of a future Afghan state. Most of these questions take root in the question over whether or not an Afghan state can function without the auspices of international terrorism. Inevitably, the normative question of what exactly that government should be arises from this base concern. In formulating a response to this question, the consensus of western society has been to install representative democracy. This answer has been a recurring theme in the post Cold War era as states such as Bosnia and Somalia bear witness to the ill effects of external democratic imposition. I hypothesize that the current mold of externally driven state-building is unlikely to result in what western actors seek it to establish: representative democracy. By primarily examining the current situation in Afghanistan, I claim that external installation of representative democracy is modally flawed in that its process mandates choice. Representative democracy by definition constitutes a government reflective of its people, or electorate. Thus, freedom of choice is necessary for a functional representative democracy. From this, one can deduce that because an essential function of democracy is choice, its implementation lies with the presence of choice. State-building is an imposition that eliminates that necessary ingredient. The two stand as polar opposites that cannot effectively collaborate. Security, governing capacity, and development have all been targeted as measurements of success in Afghanistan. The three factors are generally seen as mutually constitutive; so improved security is seen as improving governing capacity. Thus, the recent resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan and a deteriorating security environment moving forward has demonstrated the inability of the Afghan government to govern. The primary reason for the Afghan government’s deficiencies is its lack of legitimacy among its constituency. Even the use of the term ‘constituency’ must be qualified because the Afghan government has often oscillated between serving the people within its territorial borders and the international community. The existence of the Afghan state is so dependent on foreign aid and intervention that it has lost policy-making and enforcing power. This is evident by the inability of Afghanistan to engage in basic sovereign state activities as maintaining a national budget, conducting elections, providing for its own national security, and deterring criminality. The Afghan state is nothing more than a shell of a government, and indicative of the failings that external state-building has with establishing democracy.

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Public health efforts were initiated in the United States with legislative actions for enhancing food safety and ensuring pure drinking water. Some additional policy initiatives during the early 20th century helped organize and coordinate relief efforts for victims of natural disasters. By 1950's the federal government expanded its role for providing better health and safety to the communities, and its disaster relief activities became more structured. A rise in terrorism related incidents during the late 1990's prompted new proactive policy directions. The traditional policy and program efforts for rescue, recovery, and relief measures changed focus to include disaster preparedness and countermeasures against terrorism.^ The study took a holistic approach by analyzing all major disaster related policies and programs, in regard to their structure, process, and outcome. Study determined that United States has a strong disaster preparedness agenda and appropriate programs are in place with adequate policy support, and the country is prepared to meet all possible security challenges that may arise in the future. The man-made disaster of September 11th gave a major thrust to improve security and enhance preparedness of the country. These new efforts required large additional funding from the federal government. Most existing preparedness programs at the local and national levels are run with federal funds which is insufficient in some cases. This discrepancy arises from the fact that federal funding for disaster preparedness programs at present are not allocated by the level of risks to individual states or according to the risks that can be assigned to critical infrastructures across the country. However, the increased role of the federal government in public health affairs of the states is unusual, and opposed to the spirit of our constitution where sovereignty is equally divided between the federal government and the states. There is also shortage of manpower in public health to engage in disaster preparedness activities, despite some remarkable progress following the September 11th disaster.^ Study found that there was a significant improvement in knowledge and limited number of studies showed improvement of skills, increase in confidence and improvement in message-mapping. Among healthcare and allied healthcare professionals, short-term training on disaster preparedness increased knowledge and improved personal protective equipment use with some limited improvement in confidence and skills. However, due to the heterogeneity of these studies, the results and interpretation of this systematic review may be interpreted with caution.^

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El artículo consiste en la comparación de dos textos dramáticos y su análisis desde el enfoque de la interrelación del Análisis Automático del Discurso (Escuela Francesa) y conceptos provenientes del encuentro entre el marxismo y el psicoanálisis, a partir de la incorporación de conceptos de este último a la problematización general de las significaciones propias del mundo social que sugiere Louis Althusser en los años '60. En tanto que las obras de Teatro x la Identidad hacen referencia a la construcción de una memoria social, resulta imprescindible dar cuenta del concepto de memoria en tanto "la memoria se refiere a las maneras en que la gente construye un sentido del pasado, y cómo relacionan ese pasado con el presente en el acto de rememorar o recordar" (Jelin, 2002: 248). Es decir que se trata de observar qué sentidos configuran estas obras del pasado dictatorial que buscan representar.

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Este trabajo coloca su foco de atención en la intervención de arquitectos, planificadores, urbanistas y ‘hacedores de ciudad’ en la creación de espacios de memoria sobre la última dictadura militar en la Argentina. A través del análisis de la creación del Parque de la Memoria en la Ciudad de Buenos Aires se mostrará cómo estos espacios se insertan en programas de reforma del espacio urbano que involucran desde dirigentes políticos en campaña electoral hasta la participación de expertos y especialistas en la gestión de la ciudad y cómo la intervención de este universo de agentes – y sus propias representaciones y lógicas de actuación – van a incidir en la manera en que estos espacios de memoria son concebidos, gestados e implementados. Mostraré cómo, dentro de este mundo de relaciones, la memoria y el olvido se vuelven categorías significativas en el marco de sus propias disputas por definir qué es la ciudad, quiénes pertenecen a ella y quiénes son los actores legítimos para intervenir en su definición. A través de esta intervención urbana - la creación del Parque de la Memoria - un área marginal de la ciudad ha sido convertida en un espacio sagrado para conmemorar a las víctimas del Terrorismo de Estado y en un paseo público donde los vecinos de la ciudad realizan diversas actividades recreativas.

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El concepto “terrorismo", de presencia casi cotidiana debido al problema yihadista, suele ser utilizado por politólogos, sociólogos, periodistas e historiadores para cubrir un amplio espectro de acciones directas que poca relación tienen entre sí. De hecho, la violencia anarquista, desde su aparición en el Fin de Siècle europeo, fue caracterizada de esa forma, aunque principalmente por sus detractores. En este trabajo analizaremos el concepto “terrorismo anarquista" enunciando cuáles son sus principales límites a la hora de estudiar la violencia libertaria. Por otro lado, se cuestionarán las equiparaciones realizadas entre la violencia anarquista y la violencia yihadista, y las que se han hecho entre la primera y las acciones directas llevadas a cabo por hackers y movimientos de liberación animal, a los que cierta literatura suele asociar con lo libertario y lo terrorista.

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En este trabajo se analiza la forma en que fue construido como acontecimiento uno de los casos más conocidos y emblemáticos de la represión durante la última dictadura militar en Argentina: la noche de los lápices. Se indaga en torno al origen del nombre, a los personajes y hechos que lo constituyen como relato, así como también en la forma en que se hizo público. A partir del análisis del caso, es posible reflexionar acerca de los procesos de elaboración social sobre la experiencia dictatorial en tiempos de democracia y de las diferentes narrativas producidas.

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Antígona ha sido un tópico por más de 2.000 años, participando de una historia que siempre puede ser reconocida. Tanto la Guerra Civil española como la dictadura argentina vieron surgir Antígonas en busca de justicia. A partir de los trabajos de María Zambrano y Griselda Gambaro, este artículo busca rehabilitar discursivamente estas versiones. Por un lado, la filósofa española nunca regresó del exilio iniciado en 1939 y defendió hasta el final los valores republicanos. Cuando asumió que su expatriación era irreversible, ingresó en un exilio profundo del cual Antígona revela lo esencial, pasando de la "privación" a la "revelación" tanto en un modo filosófico como en el poético, tanto en sus ensayos como en su única pieza teatral, La Tumba de Antígona (1967), una significativa metáfora de la guerra fratricida y del exilio. Por otro, Antígona furiosa (1986) de Gambaro, reescribe la tragedia de Sófocles cuando denuncia el terrorismo de estado argentino en una furiosa Antígona. Gambaro, hermana y madre de desaparecidos de la guerra sucia eleva su grito por justicia en nombre de la fraternidad humana

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El presente trabajo toma como objeto de estudio los discursos sobre la violencia social que en la posdictadura argentina se han organizado en torno a la "inseguridad" como problema público-político, con el objetivo de analizar las relaciones que estos establecen con el pasado dictatorial. Para ello, desde una perspectiva genealógica, se consideran tres momentos clave en la construcción de la "inseguridad": los "saqueos" de 1989, la segunda presidencia de Menem de 1995 a 1999 y la "Cruzada Blumberg" durante 2004. Dicho recorrido permite mostrar las maneras en que dichos discursos involucraron intervenciones sobre la memoria del pasado dictatorial que, por un lado, se orientaron en el sentido de producir una clausura de la rememoración del terrorismo de Estado; y, por otro, reconvirtieron elementos característicos de los discursos sobre la violencia inherentes a las prácticas represivas reintroduciéndolos en la vida pública de la argentina democrática