ESPERANÇA E DECEPÇÃO: SINDICALISMO, PARTIDO DOS TRABALHADORES, E IGREJA CATÓLICA NO ABC PAULISTA (1978 2002)

A presente tese procura demonstrar como a Igreja Católica, a partir de Leão XIII, despertou para a questão social, particularmente a dos trabalhadores, fornecendo uma intelectualidade que influenciaria muitas gerações de católicos que aí encontrariam o substrato e o contraponto das concepções marxistas. Com o avanço das correntes progressistas dentro da Igreja, estes se reorientaram e tentaram fazer o cruzamento entre o marxismo e o cristianismo, que culminaria com a Teologia da Libertação. Este foi o momento do encontro também com o movimento sindical, por meio de seus militantes e das Comunidades Eclesiais de Base. Essa intersecção forneceu a base moral que norteou o movimento sindical no final dos anos 70, dando origem ao chamado novo sindicalismo . Os militantes acreditavam que a classe trabalhadora estava engajada e comprometida com as mudanças sociais, quando, na verdade, esta pensava em suas questões mais particulares. Com o tempo, a Igreja, por meio de sua hierarquia, fragmentou a rede de apoio ao movimento sindical e a utopia se desvaneceu.(AU)

A EDUCAÇÃO SUPERIOR E O PROLETARIADO: O ACESSO ÀS UNIVERSIDADES PELA CLASSE OPERÁRIA NO ABC PAULISTA

A facilidade crescente de acesso à Educação Superior e a necessidade de uma formação profissional mais ampla levaram operários com ensino médio e técnico a frequentar o espaço acadêmico, lugar que fora sempre o direito de uma pequena elite formadora da liderança dominante. O intuito deste trabalho é analisar como a relação do operário comum com o mundo acadêmico das universidades realmente influencia as relações de trabalho da Classe Operária na fábrica. Uma pesquisa em forma de enquete operária foi realizada junto aos metalúrgicos do ABC para o levantamento de dados, levando em consideração o ano de 1996 como marco inicial, tendo como referência o ano da promulgação da LDB 9394/96, ajudando-nos a delinear o novo perfil da Classe Operária do ABC paulista e verificando as possíveis contribuições dadas pelos operários que concluíram ou estão cursando o Ensino Superior.

A EDUCAÇÃO E A SEGURANÇA DO TRABALHO EM ELETRICIDADE FRENTE À NORMA REGULAMENTADORA NR-10

Nossa dissertação tem como objetivo estudar a Educação e a Segurança do Trabalho em Eletricidade frente à Norma Regulamentadora NR-10 (Segurança em Instalações e Serviços em Eletricidade). Segundo os aspectos aparentes da própria NR-10 em seus noventa e nove (99) itens e nos dois anexos de treinamento: curso básico (NR-10) e complementar (Sistema Elétrico de Potência – SEP), sua finalidade consiste na garantia da segurança do trabalho em eletricidade, todavia, a partir de nossa análise (da NR-10) e de nossa experiência no trabalho em eletricidade surgiu à demanda representada na hipótese de que: os trabalhadores em eletricidade percebem que as medidas preconizadas na NR-10 e em seus treinamentos não correspondem integralmente as suas necessidades. Nossa estratégia é testar a NR-10 ao examinarmos: a) sua formatação e aplicação baseada do modelo tripartite; b) seus conceitos de segurança do trabalho; c) as consolidações de seus artigos jurídicos; d) as programações, carga horária, as estratégias didáticas e educacionais de seus treinamentos. Isto é, examinaremos a NR-10 frente aos conteúdos dos processos de Educação, Luta por Saúde e Condições de Vida da Classe Trabalhadora, excepcionalmente do trabalhador em eletricidade.(AU)

Outside in-group and out-group identities? Constructing male solidarity and female exclusion in UK builders’ talk

This article examines the spoken interactions of a group of British construction workers to discover whether it is possible to identify a distinctive ‘builders’ discourse’. Given that builders work for a mostly all-male profession (Curjao, 2006), we ask whether the ways in which male builders converse with each other while ‘on the job’ can be held in any way responsible for the under-representation of women within this major occupational sector in the UK. This article reports on a case study of the conversations of three white, working-class, male builders, which took place while travelling in a truck between different building sites. This forms part of a larger ethnographic study of builders’ discourse in different work locations. The analysis shows that male builders are highly collaborative in constructing narratives of in-group and out-group identities (Duszak, 2002; Tajfel, 1978). Various other male groups are demonized in these conversations: Polish immigrant builders, rude clients and rival builders. However, there is almost no reference to women. The article concludes that women are viewed as so unthreatening to male ascendancy in the building industry that they do not even feature within the ‘out-group’.

The PCF and the question of intellectual workers : the crisis of social ideology

The aim of this thesis is to examine the approach of the Parti Communiste Francais (from 1956 to 1982) to the emergence of new strata of salaried `intellectual workers' (technicians, engineers, low to middle managers in industry and commerce, scientific researchers, teachers etc) parallelled by the gradual diminution of the traditional industrial working class which forms the core of the Party's support base. This examination is carried out in the context of the debate in France (initiated in the 1950s by social theorists of the Left) on the class membership and role of these strata. The reason for the emergence of such a debate is that in a society given to both a rapid evolution of its social structure and an increased polarisation between Left and Right, a precise knowledge of the objective and subjective determinations of new strata would enable parties to the Left to make proper distinctions between potential allies and adversaries. The thesis posits the view that the PCF has failed to make correct distinctions between its potential allies and adversaries and has thus pursued unsuccessful alliance strategies. The thesis contributes towards a scientifically-based understanding of one of the reasons governing the PCF's steady decline since the 1950s.

The directions taken by young people on leaving compulsory education:a study in two Birmingham schools

The thesis addresses the relative importance of factors affecting working-class school-leavers' post-compulsory education transitions into post-sixteen education, training, employment and unemployment. It focuses on school-leavers choosing to enter the labour market, whether successfully or not and the influences affecting this choice. Methodologically, the longitudinal approach followed young people from before they left school to a period of months after. Discrepancies between young people's intended and actual destinations emphasised the diverse influences on post-sixteen transitions. These influences were investigated through a dynamic multi-method approach, drawing from quantitative and qualitative methodologies providing depth and insight while locating the research within a structural framework, allowing a comparison with local and national trends. Two crucial factors of school and gender affected young people's intended and actual post-sixteen directions. School policy, including treatment of disaffected pupils and recruitment to a large, on-site sixth form, influenced the number of pupils opting to continue their education. Girls were more likely to continue education after the end of compulsory schooling and gave different reasons to boys for doing so. Family and peer groups were influential, helping young people develop a 'horizon for action' incorporating habitus and subjective preferences that specified acceptable post-sixteen directions. These influences operated within the context of the local labour market. Perception of the latter rather than actual conditions informed post-sixteen decisions; however, labour market reality influenced the success of the school-leavers' endeavours. The research found that the economics-based rational choice model of decision-making did not apply to many working class school-leavers. The cohort made pragmatically rational decisions dependent on their 'horizon for action'. based on partial, occasionally inaccurate information. Policy recommendations consider the careers service and structure or school sixth forms as aiding successful transitions from compulsory education into education, employment or training. The maintenance allowance may be ineffectual in tackling its objective of social inclusion.

Pupil resistance to their schooling experience

The thesis explores the nature of pupil resistance; it investigates what constitutes it and how it can be explained. Various ethnic and national group, male and female working-class resistance if analysed in two secondary schools in Birmingham (England) and one school in Sydney (Australia). It focuses on the pupils’ experience of school. ‘Compressed ethnographies’ (Walford and Miller, 1991) were conducted in each school to examine pupil resistance. The research found that structural societal state factors, regional, community and formal, informal and physical characteristics of each school, together with the teachers and pupils characteristics and background all influence resistance. The class, gender, ethnic and national identity of each pupil shapes resistance. In all three schools that were involved with the research, girls were more likely to exhibit overt, collective forms of resistance, whereas lads were more likely to operate alone. Islander pupils in Sydney and African-Caribbean kids in Birmingham were more likely to display engaged forms of resistance. Girls tended to show more engaged forms compared to their male counterparts across all ethnic and national cultures. Resistance is complex and dynamic, the definition alters depending upon context. Dimensions of resistance are developed; including overt, covert; individual, collective; intentional, unintentional; engaged and detached forms. Resistance operates within a structure and agency framework, the pupils can shape their own schooling experience mediated within the structures of their school, community and society. Some pupils manage their resources and the structures better than others; how the pupil manages and operates within the structures influences their resistance response. Resistance is contradictory and can reinforce the status quo. To fully understand resistance, it must be contextualised.

The campaign to save Croxteth comprehensive: an ethnographic study of a protest movement

This thesis is based on ethnographic research carried out on a Liverpool protest movement which occurred between November, 1980 and July,1983. The protest movement was waged by residents of the working class community of Croxteth Liverpool who wished to retain their state secondary school, Croxteth Comprehensive. The Liverpool City Council voted in favour of closing Croxteth Comprehensive in January, 1981 because of its declining roles. Residents began theIr campaign as soon as they became aware of intentions to close the school at the end of the previous year. The campaIgn itself went through a number of different phases, distinguishable accordIng to the groups of people involved, the strategy and tactics they employed, the ways in which they justified their campaign, and the goals they pursued. In July of 1982 the organisation which led the protest, the Croxteth Community Action Committee, took illegal possession of the school buildings and ran a pilot summer school project. In September of 1982 they opened the school doors for all secondary pupils on the council estate and began running classes, with the help of volunteer teachers. The school was run successfully in this way for the entire 1982/83 school year. By the end of this period the school was officially reinstated by a new Labour Party majorIty on the city council. This thesis presents a comprehensive account of the entire campaign, from its beginning to end. The campaign is analysed in a number of ways: by situating the closure itself in the economic and political conditions of Liverpool in the 1980s, by examining the relation of Croxteth Comprehensive to its community, by describing the conditions in which different groups of people contributed to the campaign and the changes it went through in its use of tactics, and through a close examination of the activities which took place inside the school during its year of occupation. A number of levels of analysis are used in the study. To explain the closure and the early forms of resistance which developed to oppose it, the structural location of the local government of Liverpool in the late 1970s and early 1980s is described. To explain the relationship of the school to its community, the formation of a group of activists and their leaders, and the resources available to the protestors for pursuing their aims, a single-group model of social action is used. To analyse the establishment of social routines and schooling practices within the school during its occupation, action-theoretica1 models are drawn upon., The chapters of literature review and concept analysis with which this thesis begins link these different levels theoretIcalIy through a model of actIon and its conditions. The theoretical framework employed is reviewed in the last chapter. It is one which could be used to study any social movement, and has applications to other social phenomena as well. Lastly various issues within the sociology of education are examined in light of the events which took place in Croxteth Comprehensive, especially the theory of community education.

Education and racism:a study of the teachers' and the pupils' relations in the schooling of black boys

This thesis examines the teachers' and the pupils' relations in the schooling of black boys. The study using the methodology of participant observation focusses on one school (Kilby) in an area of black population in an English city. The thesis’s intentions are two fold: firstly, in order to examine these relations, two major aspects of their interaction are addressed, that of the absence of teachers from conventional 'race-relations' research, and, the identification and examination of the anti-school pupils' sub-cultures. Two substantive questions are asked: what is the response of the teachers to the schooling of black pupils? and, what is the meaning of the pupils' resistance to schooling? Secondly, in attempting to answer these questions and offer a critique of the dominant 'race-relations' culturalist explanation of black youth's response to schooling, a theoretical framework has been developed which takes account of both the 'economic' and the 'sociological' perspectives. Methodology allowed and pointed to the importance of examining the teachers' ideologies and practices as well as those of the black boys. It is argued that a class analysis of the racially structured British society is more adequate than the conventional ethnic approach in explaining the black boys' location within Kilby School. Hence, it is posited that the major problem in the schooling of black youth is not that of their culture but of racism, which pervasively structures the social reality at Kilby school. Racism is mediated both through the existing institutional framework that discriminates against working-class youth and through the operation of race specific mechanisms, such as the process of racist stereotyping. It is thus further argued that the Kilby school teachers are of central causal significance to the - problems that the boys encounter. Furthermore, it is in response to these racist ideologies and practices that both West Indian and Asian pupils develop specific forms of collective resistance, which are seen to be linked to the wider black community, as legitimate strategies of survival.

Big city days: Race and labor in early Miami, 1914--1925

The purpose of this study was to recast Miami's social history during the first three decades of the twentieth century through an examination of working class life. The thesis attempts to fill a gap in the literature while also expanding on the advances made in race and class studies of the United States. Through an analysis of local newspapers, minutes of a carpenter's union, and other archival sources, the thesis demonstrates how white workers obtained a virtual monopoly in skilled jobs over black workers, particularly in the construction industry, and exacted economic pressure on business through the threat of work stoppages. Driven by the concern to maintain smooth and steady growth amidst a vibrant tourist economy, business reluctantly worked with labor to maintain harmonious market conditions. Blacks, however, were able to gain certain privileges in the labor market through challenging the rigid system of segregation and notions of what constituted skilled labor. The findings demonstrate that Miami's labor unions shaped the city's social, cultural, and political landscape but the extent of their power was limited by booster discourse and the city's dependence on tourism. ^

Disease and hygiene in the construction of a nation: The public sphere, public space, and the private domain in Buenos Aires, 1871–1910

The maturation of the public sphere in Argentina during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was a critical element in the nation-building process and the overall development of the modern state. Within the context of this evolution, the discourse of disease generated intense debates that subsequently influenced policies that transformed the public spaces of Buenos Aires and facilitated state intervention within the private domains of the city’s inhabitants. Under the banner of hygiene and public health, municipal officials thus Europeanized the nation’s capital through the construction of parks and plazas and likewise utilized the press to garner support for the initiatives that would remedy the unsanitary conditions and practices of the city. Despite promises to the contrary, the improvements to the public spaces of Buenos Aires primarily benefited the porteño elite while the efforts to root out disease often targeted working-class neighborhoods. The model that reformed the public space of Buenos Aires, including its socially differentiated application of aesthetic order and public health policies, was ultimately employed throughout the Argentine Republic as the consolidated political elite rolled out its national program of material and social development.

Global Capitalism, Immigrant Labor, and the Struggle for Justice

Around the world borders are militarized, states are stepping up repressive anti-immigrant controls, and native publics are turning immigrants into scapegoats for the spiraling crisis of global capitalism. The massive displacement and primitive accumulation unleashed by free trade agreements and neo-liberal policies, as well as state and “private” violence has resulted in a virtually inexhaustible immigrant labor reserve for the global economy. State controls over immigration and immigrant labor have several functions for the system: 1) state repression and criminalization of undocumented immigration make immigrants vulnerable and deportable and therefore subject to conditions of super-exploitation, super-control and hyper-surveillance; 2) anti-immigrant repressive apparatuses are themselves ever more important sources of accumulation, ranging from private for-profit immigrant detention centers, to the militarization of borders, and the purchase by states of military hardware and systems of surveillance. Immigrant labor is extremely profitable for the transnational corporate economy; 3) the anti-immigrant policies associated with repressive state apparatuses help turn attention away from the crisis of global capitalism among more privileged sectors of the working class and convert immigrant workers into scapegoats for the crisis, thus deflecting attention from the root causes of the crisis and undermining working class unity. This article focuses on structural and historical underpinnings of the phenomenon of immigrant labor in the new global capitalist system and on how the rise of a globally integrated production and financial system, a transnational capitalist class, and transnational state apparatuses, have led to a reorganization of the world market in labor, including deeper reliance on a rapidly expanding reserve army of immigrant labor and a vicious new anti-immigrant politics. It looks at the United States as an illustration of the larger worldwide situation with regard to immigration and immigrant justice. Finally, it explores the rise of an immigrant justice movement around the world, observes the leading role that immigrant workers often play in worker’s struggles and that a mass immigrant rights movement is at the cutting edge of the struggle against transnational corporate exploitation. We call for replacing the whole concept of national citizenship with that of global citizenship as the only rallying cry that can assure justice and equality for all.

Concepções de formação profissional técnica de nível médio adotadas pelo IFRN: especificidades e (des)continuidades

The thesis deals with the concepts of technical tra ining of middle level adopted by the Federal Institute of Education, Science and Technology of R io Grande do Norte (IFRN). Discusses these concepts from the four political-pedagogical projects built in the period 1970 to 2010, spanning three institutionalities: Federal Technica l School of Rio Grande do Norte (1970- 1998), Federal Center of Technological Education of Rio Grande do Norte (1999-2008) and IFRN (from 2008) as well as three important politic al contexts of the country: Civil-Military Dictatorship, New Republic and Period of neoliberal ideas in Brazil. The goal is to analyze the configuration of the conceptions of training adopte d in the political-pedagogical projects IFRN, with emphasis on the specificities and (dis) contin uities, placing them in the context of political, economic and educational change in development in t he country. Addresses the relationship work, education and human development in capitalist society, in order to grasp the concept of employee training engendered by that company as wel l as the possibility of a counter- hegemonic formation. We analyze the formation of mi d-level concepts outlined in the educational reforms implemented in the country. We investigate the concepts of training outlined in the political-pedagogical projects IFRN . Makes use of the historical-dialectical materialism, the literature review, the documentary research and interviews were conducted with subjects who participated in the working group coordinator of the drafting of the political- institutional educational projects. The results sho w that the training of workers in capitalist society has a unilateral character; that the traini ng required by the working class is the omnilateral training; that the formative ideas that permeated the educational reforms in the country between 1970 and 2010 were all envisaged by unilateral training; that, in certain contexts, conceptions of technical training medium level outlined in the political-pedagogical projects IFRN reflect the formative perspectives th at guide educational reforms in the country (unilateral training) and, at other times, the inst itution adopts concepts (training omnilateral) that are not consistent with such prospects; and th at between the political-pedagogical projects built from 1970 to 2010 there are more continuities than breaks in relation to the concepts of training adopted. We conclude that the challenge is to institutionalize the IFRN their educational actions omnilateral designing training undertaken in the political-pedagogical project 2009.

A céu aberto: garimpando a memória e a identidade dos mineradores de Brejuí

The Brejuí Mine, situated in the municipality of Currais Novos (RN), was responsible for the local economy growth between the years of 1943 and 1990, causing the interest of miner's working class to its urban center. After the end of scheelita extraction, the mine became a "theme park", in 2004. The company left its mark on the city by building several monuments in reference to the mining activity and the company's founder, Tomaz Salustino. However, there are no written records that describe such activities on its early years, nor their pioneers in the mining subject. Therefore, it is important to investigate the miner’s memories and ask if, along the more than five decades that lasted the heyday of mining, an identity linked to the profession was built; the extent to which workers make reference to this history as membersand what are the symbols that are being triggered in the development of a working class identity. Further, I investigate what memory was mad concerning the pioneers, mostly farmers attracted by miner work. To do so, I make use of audiovisual archival resources and oral records of the interlocutors that were filmed in the preparations of the documentary “Lembranças de velhos garimpeiros". We have noticed that, in the script of the official history of the Brejuí Mine, the "boss" figure overlaps the workers and that the forms patronage, originated from the rural world, followed punctuating the social relations in the mine. Today, with the resumption of the mining activity, it is possible that the strengthening of the working class and the Seridó miner identity desire reborn.

Violência contra mulher: expressões da opressão às mulheres sob a égide do capitalismo e do patriarcado

This dissertation is the result of a research process that sought , from the speech of women in situations of violence , examine the difficulties these women to access the "network " of assistance to women victims of violence in the city of Natal/RN . Therefore , we made a critical analysis from the perspective of totality on the processual ontological " being a woman " and " be a man " , articulating the determinations of the subjective and objective dimensions in the lives of women at this juncture . Thus , also reflecting on the system of oppression of women through Capitalism / Patriarchate , articulated with other determinations of reality , as race / ethnicity , sexual orientation , generation and territoriality . Because of the oppression of women in all aspects of social life , the feminist movement led to the public domain claims against the oppressions of women and fight for Public Social Policies that aim to the particularities of women , among them, the social policies of coping violence against women . The speeches of the women interviewed show the contradictory aspect of work in women's lives . On the one hand , can become a means to financial independence ( with the possibility of exit from violent means). On the other , it can become "cause " of justification for the exercise of violence against women by their partners or former partners . Also show that despite legal advances , there is no effective implementation of policies aimed at women . This occurs as a result of capitalism / patriarchy and the context of neoliberal management of big capital . Thus , the feminist movement , as well as the social movement of the working class , must seek the empowerment of women through the struggle to end all forms of oppression , exploitation and domination among humans.