893 resultados para Thought geographic Brazilian


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Este trabalho busca resgatar a origem e história de uma das organizações de esquerda que surgiu no período de 1968 a partir das dissidências dentro do Partido Comunista Brasileiro. Inúmeras organizações irão surgir nesse período, sendo que a maioria das mesmas irá aderir ao processo de luta armada contra o regime militar. Entre as diversas diferenças políticas e ideológicas entre elas, uma se destacava: a manutenção de uma estrutura de partido ou a criação de organizações sem estrutura de partido e com liberdade de ação por parte dos comandos militares da organização. O fundo dessa discordância era proveniente da influência da Revolução Cubana entre os militantes de esquerda na América Latina através da Teoria do Foco, onde a ação de partido era considerada desnecessária. Por outro lado, também é fruto da retomada dos debates sobre concepção de partido revolucionário e a relação dos partidos com os movimentos de massas, debate presente no pensamento marxista europeu durante toda a primeira metade do século XX. O PCBR buscou aliar a concepção leninista de partido com as posições de defesa da autonomia do movimento de massas frente aos partidos, concepção defendida pela marxista alemã Rosa Luxemburgo. O trabalho, portanto, busca estudar o contexto em que este debate se realizou na esquerda brasileira durante o período militar. Por fim, o presente estudo buscou também contribuir com a reconstituição histórica de alguns fatos relevante relacionados à ação política do PCBR durante o período militar.

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O chamado "pensamento social" sempre ocupou lugar de relevo no quadro das ciências sociais tais como praticadas no Brasil. Recentemente, as pesquisas nesse campo têm buscado cada vez mais articular suas análises do ensaísmo nacional a preocupações teóricas mais gerais, referentes ao estatuto da modernidade em sociedades não-centrais. Este artigo parte dessa circunstância intelectual para buscar dois objetivos: a) justificar mais explicitamente a necessidade de diálogo entre pensamento brasileiro e teoria social, em especial à luz do pós-colonialismo e das críticas ao eurocentrismo da sociologia; b) explorar possíveis diálogos entre essas áreas tomando como objeto de análise alguns eixos analíticos comuns aos dois campos.

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In the backdrop of the strict patent regime flatly adopted by the World Trade Organization (WTO) for all countries, a few countries constantly challenge this system through aggressive patent bargains. Within the pharmaceutical sector, noticeably, some countries now threaten to issue or otherwise actually issue compulsory licenses that may sway large pharmaceutical companies into selling drugs with large discounts or into granting voluntary licenses domestically. That is conspicuously the negotiation strategy adopted by Brazil in its negotiations with big international pharmaceutical companies.This paper explains Brazil’s aggressive bargaining approach based on an analysis of two aspects of its political economy. The first has to do with the international context of patent bargaining in the post-WTO era. Accordingly, the existence of large and fast growing domestic markets position countries such as Brazil as strategic destinations for Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and trade. Together with an absence of a propensity to innovate in pharmaceutical products, these conditions boost Brazil’s bargaining power for issuing compulsory licenses over pharmaceutical products. The second aspect is related to political economy dynamics inside Brazil. Accordingly, the political framework in Brazil undermines long-term policies and favors short-sighted ones also vis-a-vis R&D investments in the pharmaceutical industry. This remains true regardless of the strictness of the patent regime in place. The lesson of Brazil is relevant arguably for other more powerful developing countries which presently examine Brazil's approach while further challenging the WTO's strict patent policy for the future.

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This paper analyses the impact of the decentralization in educational system that is taking place in Brazil in the last decade, as a result of several laws that encourage municipalities to invest in fundamental education. The proficiency tests undertaken by the government allows to follow some public schools in two points in time. Therefore we were able to create an experimental group with the schools that were under state system in the SAEB exam and have migrated to the municipality system by the time of Prova Brasil and a control group with the schools that were under the state system between the two exams and compare the difference in their results using a fixed effect panel data analysis. The difference in difference estimator indicates that there is no significant change in the performance of the students.

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We exploit a discontinuity in Brazilian municipal election rules to investigate whether political competition has a causal impact on policy choices. In municipalities with less than 200,000 voters mayors are elected with a plurality of the vote. In municipalities with more than 200,000 voters a run-off election takes place among the top two candidates if neither achieves a majority of the votes. At a first stage, we show that the possibility of runoff increases political competition. At a second stage, we use the discontinuity as a source of exogenous variation to infer causality from political competition to fiscal policy. Our second stage results suggest that political competition induces more investment and less current spending, particularly personnel expenses. Furthermore, the impact of political competition is larger when incumbents can run for reelection, suggesting incentives matter insofar as incumbents can themselves remain in office.

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My purpose is to present some reflections about my experience in interviewing Brazilian military officers. Despite the specificity of the Brazilian case, I trust that these observations may serve as a comparative reference for the study of military institutions in other contexts.

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This article discusses some issues in communicating experience, based on a life history interview with 83-year-old Brazilian jurist Evandro Lins e Silva conducted by the Getúlio Vargas Foundation’s oral history program (Centro de Pesquisa e Documentação de História Contemporânea do Brasil, or CPDOC) between August 1994 and January 1995.1The text focuses especially on two images used by the interviewee, which consolidate both the experiences that have been communicated to him and the experience that he himself endeavors to communicate regarding his activities as an attorney and the status of truth within the field of law.

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This manuscript demonstrates that voters have nothing to be afraid of when new hard budget constraint legislation is implemented. Our claim is that this kind of legislation reduces the asymmetry of information between voters and incumbents over the budget and, as a consequence, the latter have incentives to increase the supply of public goods. As a nationwide institutional innovation, the Fiscal Responsibility Law (FRL) is exogenous to all municipalities; therefore, there is no self-selection bias in its implementation. We show that public goods expenditure increases after the FRL. Second, this increase occurs in municipalities located in the country’s poorest region. Third, our findings can be extended to the supply of public goods because the higher the expenditure with health and education, the greater the probability of incumbents being re-elected. Finally, there exists a “de facto” higher supply of public goods in education (number of per capita classrooms) after the FRL.

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Settlements are an important part of a program of cartel deterrence, particularly when the likelihood of conviction and the litigation costs are higher. This type of negotiated procedure to reach finality is in essence complementary to the fully adversarial procedures associated to the trial by the administrative or judicial courts, and to other investigative instruments, such as the leniency agreement. The Brazilian experience provides some insights about the different models of direct settlement in cartel cases and the complex interaction among settlements, leniency agreements, and trial outcome. First, there is leeway for the complementary models of settlements, the first oriented mainly to increasing the likelihood of detection, and the second oriented to saving social costs of litigation. Second, the concern with the preservation of the demand for leniency agreements led the competition authority to restrict the use of settlements, which are effectively designed for the defendants that are likely guilty and give higher value to finality. The recent experience illustrates that the current settlement policy has not caused any adverse effect on leniency agreements, while reducing litigation costs and granting finality in some cases.

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Multi-factor models constitute a useful tool to explain cross-sectional covariance in equities returns. We propose in this paper the use of irregularly spaced returns in the multi-factor model estimation and provide an empirical example with the 389 most liquid equities in the Brazilian Market. The market index shows itself significant to explain equity returns while the US$/Brazilian Real exchange rate and the Brazilian standard interest rate does not. This example shows the usefulness of the estimation method in further using the model to fill in missing values and to provide interval forecasts.