866 resultados para Propaganda electoral


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"...En el presente estudio se parte, en primera instancia, de la necesaria conceptualización del término, en general y particular, y en función de ello, posteriormente, a su tipificación, sistematización y análisis especifico en Latinoamérica, mientras que ofrece un panorama general de la aplicación de las barreras electorales explicitas en diferentes regiones del mundo, para luego analizar el caso colombiano en general y visualizar el impacto de la implementación de las barreras electorales explícitas a través del acto legislativo 01 de 2003 y sus efectos en los comicios nacionales de 2006."--introducción

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La investigación analiza el comportamiento de la participación electoral (PE) y su relación con las dinámicas de violencia política en Norte de Santander durante 1997-2011, con el fin de demostrar que la región del Catatumbo ha tenido un comportamiento electoral diferente al resto del departamento dado que tiene una tendencia en porcentajes de participación bajos durante las elecciones locales que se dieron en 1997, 2000 y 2003, lo cual se debe a la presencia y disputa por el control territorial entre los Grupos Armados Ilegales (GAI). Contrario a lo anterior, en las elecciones de 2007 y 2011 se presenta una variación positiva al aumentar la PE en el departamento en general. Se utilizará una combinación del método cuantitativo y cualitativo, el primero mediante un análisis de datos electorales de cinco comicios locales; el segundo, por medio de entre

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Introducción Este libro de Iván Molina y Fabrice Lehoucq representa un importante aporte a la historia política relegada a un segundo plano desde por lo menos la década de 1970, cuando la renovación de nuestra disciplina se orientó a la historia social y económica. En los últimos años se ha empezado a remozar la historia política utilizando novedosas estrategias teóricas y metodológicas que permiten analizar los procesos políticos desde la perspectiva cultural…

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In his report into corruption in Queensland, Fitzgerald listed whistleblower protection as a necessary part of a strong governance regime. "What is required is an accessible, independent body to which disclosures can be made, confidentially (at least in the first instance) and in any event free from fear of reprisals." It was one of the reforms studied by the Electoral and Administrative Review Committee, the report of which resulted in the Whistleblowers Protection Act 1994 (WPA). The need for whistleblower protection was supported by all sides of Parliament. The Premier, Wayne Goss, in his Second Reading Speech on the Public Sector Ethics Bill , said that that Act and the WPA would form a package with the former outlining required behaviour and the WPA encouraging staff to report wrongdoing. The WPA was subsequently passed and has remained virtually unamended for over a decade. Such consistency is either an indication of skilled drafting and effectiveness or the fact that the Act has been neglected. It is the hypothesis of this paper that the latter is the case. This hypothesis will be tested by examining the sincerity and diligence with which the Act has been treated during, and following, its passage.

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Clearly the world is a different place to what it was 40 years ago, and much of that difference can be characterised as disturbances to the local on the basis of globalism, particularly due to changes in communication and information technology. Like it did to modernism before it, this societal change calls for, or more aptly calls to, designers to reformulate their practices to reflect this significant new paradigm. This is a rationale that has driven much avant-garde activity in the 20th century, and in this case, 'landscape urbanism' in the 21st. In the case of this discussion, it is important to recognise the avant-garde cycle at work in the development of the discipline, not only to contextualise its production, but so that its greatest values can be welcomed: despite the propaganda and arrogance, important revisions occurred to the canons after all the -isms. That said, I do find myself asking: do we need another -ism?

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OBJECTIVES: To quantify the driving difficulties of older adults using a detailed assessment of driving performance and to link this with self-reported retrospective and prospective crashes. DESIGN: Prospective cohort study. SETTING: On-road driving assessment. PARTICIPANTS: Two hundred sixty-seven community-living adults aged 70 to 88 randomly recruited through the electoral roll. MEASUREMENTS: Performance on a standardized measure of driving performance. RESULTS: Lane positioning, approach, and blind spot monitoring were the most common error types, and errors occurred most frequently in situations involving merging and maneuvering. Drivers reporting more retrospective or prospective crashes made significantly more driving errors. Driver instructor interventions during self-navigation (where the instructor had to brake or take control of the steering to avoid an accident) were significantly associated with higher retrospective and prospective crashes; every instructor intervention almost doubled prospective crash risk. CONCLUSION: These findings suggest that on-road driving assessment provides useful information on older driver difficulties, with the self-directed component providing the most valuable information.

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Australian Constitutional referendums have been part of the Australian political system since federation. Up to the year 1999 (the time of the last referendum in Australia), constitutional change in Australia does not have a good history of acceptance. Since 1901, there have been 44 proposed constitutional changes with eight gaining the required acceptance according to section 128 of the Australian Constitution. In the modern era since 1967, there have been 20 proposals over seven referendum votes for a total of four changes. Over this same period, there have been 13 federal general elections which have realised change in government just five times. This research examines the electoral behaviour of Australian voters from 1967 to 1999 for each referendum. Party identification has long been a key indicator in general election voting. This research considers whether the dominant theory of voter behaviour in general elections (the Michigan Model) provides a plausible explanation for voting in Australian referendums. In order to explain electoral behaviour in each referendum, this research has utilised available data from the Australian Electoral Commission, the 1996 Australian Bureau of Statistics Census data, and the 1999 Australian Constitutional Referendum Study. This data has provided the necessary variables required to measure the impact of the Michigan Model of voter behaviour. Measurements have been conducted using bivariate and multivariate analyses. Each referendum provides an overview of the events at the time of the referendum as well as the =yes‘ and =no‘ cases at the time each referendum was initiated. Results from this research provide support for the Michigan Model of voter behaviour in Australian referendum voting. This research concludes that party identification, as a key variable of the Michigan Model, shows that voters continue to take their cues for voting from the political party they identify with in Australian referendums. However, the outcome of Australian referendums clearly shows that partisanship is only one of a number of contributory factors in constitutional referendums.

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Community-associated methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus (CA-MRSA) infections are emerging in southeast Queensland, Australia, but the incidence of carriage of CA-MRSA strains is unknown. The aim of this study was to assess the nasal carriage rate of S. aureus, including CA-MRSA strains, in the general adult population of southeast Queensland. 396 patients presenting to general practices in two Brisbane suburbs and 303 volunteers randomly selected from the electoral rolls in the same suburbs completed a medical questionnaire and had nasal swabs performed for S. aureus. All isolates of S. aureus underwent antibiotic susceptibility testing and single-nucleotide polymorphism (SNP) and binary typing, including determination of Panton–Valentine leukocidin (PVL). The nasal carriage rate of methicillin-susceptible S. aureus (MSSA) was 202/699 (28%), a rate similar to that found in other community-based nasal carriage studies. According to multivariate analysis, nasal carriage of S. aureus was associated with male sex, young adult age group and Caucasian ethnicity. Only two study isolates (one MSSA and one CA-MRSA) carried PVL. The nasal carriage rate of MRSA was low, at 5/699 (0.7%), and only two study participants (0.3%) had CA-MRSA strains. CA-MRSA is an emerging cause of infection in southeast Queensland, but as yet the incidence of carriage of CA-MRSA in the general community is low.

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The National Party of Australia is under challenge. Will it be able to adapt and survive or will it become increasingly irrelevant in Australian politics? With population growth in some coastal and hinterland areas and decline in inland agricultural areas, the face of rural and regional Australia is changing. As a result, the National Party's traditional support is being eroded. Within the long-standing Coalition, the influence of the Nationals appears to be in decline, yet they continue to resist amalgamation with the Liberal Party.