907 resultados para Popular initiative. Social emancipation. Democracy


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The neoliberalism based on the Washington Consensus advised privatization as the most effective alternative for the management of natural resources. The question is what is prioritizing efficiency, market or welfare? The growing concern about the water issue has been highlighted in discussions in international policy debates, and what it turns out is the prominence of corporate and economic interests over social and environmental. The water is in crisis, there are several sources of popular conflicts around the world contrary to how this resource is being offered, as the Water War occurred in 2000 in the city of Cochabamba. It is necessary to respect its limitations to ensure their future availability and choose the best development model that favors the effectiveness of their control. The international proliferation of commercial vision concerning water stipulated privatization of their management as ideal rule, which increased rates, concentrated income, has not improved the quality nor promoted the conquest of equal access to water for most systems that provides these services, this is, privatization has not brought positive results that outweigh the harm of its implementation. Water is an essential commodity for life of living beings, in all its stages, basic reason to develop plans, rules and commitments that ensure its conservation and provide, as soon as possible, a valid alternative for the sustainable management in long term

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS

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The government of a megalopolis, such as São Paulo, shows singular challenges that do not exist in less complex urban contexts. Being a city of a country with a recent industrialized economy, with an income (functional and geographical) highly concentrated, that has resumed the democracy for only one quarter of a century, this megacity lives with its own political and organizational assignments, due to the contradictory character of the political behavior of its habitants/ voters and of the traditionalist nature of populism and patronage in the relationship between the rulers and the ruled and between the Executive and Legislative powers at the local level. In such context, the difficulties to prosecute the assignments of the metropolitan organization, the decentralization and the institutionalization of citizen participatory channels in the governance and administrative activities are huge. The centrifuge forces (of the decentralization of the local government, through subprefectures), the centripetal forces ( of the metropolitan organization process) and the diffuse forces (of the claiming popular participation) act simultaneously over the deciding processes, in São Paulo, receiving, still, state and national political influences, since the city is a very significant historically producer of political and electoral capital. The analysis of the recent experience of the creation of the subprefectures and the representative counsels (fixed in the Municipality Organic Law of 1990) and the attempt to implement the participatory budgeting, in two occasions (1989-1992 and 2001-2004), reveal some of the social and political reasons that make difficult the establishment of a solidly democratic governance and of a more efficient public administration in the metropolitan area of São Paulo.

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The article represents a theoretical and methodological approach to the analysis of organizational dynamics of political parties today, based on a study of the Party of Brazilian Social Democracy (PSDB) in the State of Sao Pãulo (period between 1988 to 2006). It is hypothesized that the structure and the institutional rules of a particular party, or even their election results, are insufficient to explain the inner workings, such as the role of party organization in the electoral system. An approach that articulates the relationship patterns, election results and posts held in the party, identified the factors that explain the political capital that circulated within the party and ensured its organizational dynamics over the period analyzed.

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The article searches to launch some analyses and investigations on the historical reach of produced participative processes in Spain and Brazil. Evidently, both the processes if had uncurled in historical, social, economic contexts and distinct politicians, but, exactly thus, keep some approaches that we intend to give prominence in the present article. For example, the popular mobilization in the two presented cases after occurred a long period of not attendance of social demands socials. In the same way, the processes of democratic renewal of both are related with historical landmarks “end of the Cold War” and the dismantlement of the Walfare State that introduced new rationalists in the relation between governing and governed dynamic, over all in the coinage and offer of public politics. How much to the dismantlement of the Welfare State, we present, still, that in the case of Spain it provoked consequences in the modus operandi of the formularization process and implementation of public politics. It occurred, in other words, a decentralization of its formulator power to decide arrangement of public politics that started to count on the participation of social actors in the called relational city (BECERRA, 2011). In the case of Brazil, the dictatorial period (1964-1985), the fast urban growth and the generation of precarious peripheries in the main cities, the distension and the Constituent (1986-1988) had generated the enough forces of pressure so that, gradually, if it incorporated the participative arrangement in the power to decide process. We identify that in both the cases, kept the had ratios, the instauration of a critical scene of suppression/absence of formulated public politics from an interface with the social movements were the propeller spring of the transformations in the power to decide mechanisms of formularization and implementation of public politics.

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In Brazil, the Catholic Church has an important role in the construction of citizenship, education and training the rural lower classes of the population. Studied in this article, this participation and contribution in the 60s, by highlighting the strong weighting would take the issue of land reform. The Catholic Church was a major player in unionization campaigns and basic education and suffered great tensions and internal conflicts that divide between those who sought the "liberation of the oppressed" and those who fought for reforms without changing the "social order". This paper recovers the trajectory of implementation of various programs of Catholic union formation and foundation of unions. We use historical methodology and retrieve the voice of the authors through interviews with trade unionists, lawyers, church authorities and militants popular.

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The article searches to launch some analyses and investigations on the historical reach of produced participative processes in Spain and Brazil. Evidently, both the processes if had uncurled in historical, social, economic contexts and distinct politicians, but, exactly thus, keep some approaches that we intend to give prominence in the present article. For example, the popular mobilization in the two presented cases after occurred a long period of not attendance of social demands socials. In the same way, the processes of democratic renewal of both are related with historical landmarks “end of the cold war” and the dismantlement of the State of well-being that introduced new rationalists in the relation between governing and governed dynamic, over all in the coinage and offer of public politics. How much to the dismantlement of the State of social welfare, we present, still, that in the case of Spain occurred a decentralization of its formulator power to decide arrangement of public politics that started to count on the participation of social actors in the called relational city (BECERRA, 2011). In the case of Brazil, the dictatorial period (1964-1985), the fast urban growth and the generation of precarious peripheries in the main cities, the distension and the Constituent (1986-1988) had generated the enough forces of pressure so that, gradually, if it incorporated the participative arrangement in the power to decide process. We identify that in both the cases, kept the had ratios, the instauration of a critical scene of suppression/absence of formulated public politics from an interface with the social movements were the propeller spring of the transformations in the power to decide mechanisms of formularization and implementation of public politics.

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In the first decades of the Republic, the streets of the main Brazilian capital cities, especially of Rio de Janeiro and Recife, recently urbanized based on the Haussmanian Paris and smiled upon by the fever of cosmopolitanism that invested Europe, women had been used as runways where they could exhibit her imitated or imported models, especially in Paris. The iconography of the time and the advertisements conveyed by magazines and illustrated periodicals, such as the Almanach de Pernambuco and the magazine Kosmos, for instance, form the testimonies of the massive presence of the French in Rio and Recife, owners of stores and maisons, interested in fulfill the demands of the republican public. In spite of the Strong adherence of the Brazilians to the sociability models to the imported from Europe, the less-favored classes, through the popular literature, showed some resistance to these changes in the habits and clothing, especially in the Northeast, where traces of the Catholic and patriarchal moral and mentality were still alive.

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The purpose of this paper is to show some characteristics and essential information related to the Brazilian periodicals in the 19th century Revista Popular (1859-1862) and Jornal das Famílias (1863-1878), whose owner was the Frenchman Baptiste Louis Garnier. By that time the proliferation of periodicals attracts attention mainly because several of them had ephemeral existence, in opposition to Garnier’s periodicals which as a whole amount to 19 years in circulation. The research on these periodicals becomes relevant since they are well succeeded publications whose study makes possible the widening of the knowledge on social and cultural aspects of a very important period in Brazilian society.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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This paper presents the principles of a strategy for the integration of slums in the city. From an extensive literature search, it analyzes the environment of the slums, the culture of peace as a future desirable situation and the fundamental value of popular participation. It proposes a strategy based on the theories and practice of the communitarian public relations. It realizes that this is a long process and requires the complicity of various social actors, in particular the State through a manager committee of communal integration, which managements the integration of actions

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Based on systemic-cybernetic-new paradigm vision and social constructionism, the paper is an invitation to reflect on the importance of language in the maintenance and the possibility of changing unequal relational patterns, mainly related to issues of gender. Studies on language and verbal behavior of women and men, besides their representation in the media, are examples to illustrate the need advocated here, to changing patterns of inequality guided by gender differences that influence and are influenced by the culture, conveyed in our social network. This paper is a contribution for the clinical work with families and couples, from the perspective of the current behaviors, based on refrains spread by the media which became popular, since it is based on clinical and nonclinical observations about human relationships and its representation in the media and artistic productions.