843 resultados para Historic conscience. Country of Mossoró . Memory. Spatiality.
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This CEPS Special Report analyses the composition of the 20 committees in the new European Parliament and how representative they are of the 28 member states, identifying which policy areas or committees are of particular interest to MEPs from certain countries. It also examines the allocation of committee chairs and party coordinator positions to assess whether the country of origin matters and if so, why. The study reveals that in general the countries share of representatives in the committees is very similar in most of the cases to their representation in Parliament. Still, some policy areas have a special relevance for some countries and attract their MEPs in larger numbers. Due to the procedure used in the allocation of the committee chairs, which favours the largest political groups and the largest national parties within them, MEPs from larger member states tend to hold most of these coveted positions. The internal process followed by the political groups in appointing their coordinators in the respective committees is predisposed towards MEPs with seniority, experience and good connections. All in all, the strategic relevance that national parties attach to these positions makes a difference.
Unity stronger than divisions. Ukraine's internal diversity. OSW Point of View Number 40, March 2014
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Ukraine is deeply divided internally, although as a result of the changes that have taken place since its independence, the countrys internal divisions now have less and less to do with territorial divides, and the split into historical sub-Ukraines has become less pronounced, especially for the younger generation. Ukraine is not a country of two competing regional identities, one in the west, the other in the east. The western identity, in which the unity of Ukraine is a key value, coexists with the multiple and diverse local patriotisms of the different regions in the east and the south of the country. The present protest movement has consolidated the countrys sense of unity. Its opponents have also been championing the indivisibility of Ukraine, even while they demanded a thorough decentralisation of the country, which was often mistaken for separatism. Russia has been stirring up separatist tendencies in Ukraine, but with little success. Crimea is an exception here, because in most respects it has remained unaffected by the dynamics of the social processes transforming mainland Ukraine separatist tendencies are indeed deeply rooted in the peninsula.
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Introduction. This chapter takes a closer look at the European Union (EU), China, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)s respective approaches to dealing with non-traditional security (NTS) challenges by investigating their policies toward Burma/Myanmara source country of numerous such challenges. It argues that, although all, as members of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), see the need for multilateral solutions to fight organized crime, provide disaster relief, combat terrorism, prevent drug trafficking, etc., they differ with respect to the steps to be taken to protect human security in Asia-Pacific. China, initially hesitant to join the ARF for fear that other members might try to contain it, has come to value the principal forum for NTS challenges in the Asia-Pacific region since, like many ASEAN countries, it is a big proponent of non-interventionism, non-use of force, consensus decision-making, that is, the confidence-building mechanisms commonly referred to as the ASEAN way.2 The EU, as a strong proponent of human rights and the rule of law, repeatedly, has criticized ARF members for allowing sovereignty-related norms to get in the way of the protection of human rights, but it has refrained from assuming the role of norm exporter. As will be seen in the case of Burma/Myanmar, the EU does make its opinions heard and, when necessary, will take unilateral steps not supported by the ASEAN members of the ARF but, cognizant of the history of the region, for the most part, settles for supporting economic development and aiding in capacity-building, understanding that it would be counter-productive to exert pressure on reluctant ARF members to modify the non-interference norm. The chapter then speculates about the ASEAN ways longevity, arguing that, increasingly, there are internal and external dynamics that seem to indicate that the ASEAN way, at least in its current form, may not be here to stay. The conclusion looks at what might be in store for Burma/Myanmar in the years to come.
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In a communication to the Parliament and the Council entitled Towards a modern, more European copyright framework and dated 9 December 2015,1 the European Commission confirmed its intention to progressively remove the main obstacles to the functioning of the Digital Single Market for copyrighted works. The first step of this long-term plan, which was first announced in Junckers Political Guidelines2 and the Communication on A Digital Single Market strategy for Europe,3 is a proposal for a regulation aimed at ensuring the so-called cross-border portability of online services giving access to content such as music, games, films and sporting events.4 In a nutshell, the proposed regulation seeks to enable consumers with legal access to such online content services in their country of residence to use the same services also when they are in another member state for a limited period of time. On the one hand, this legislative proposal has the full potential to resolve the (limited) issue of portability, which stems from the national dimension of copyright and the persisting territorial licensing and distribution of copyright content.5 On the other hand, as this commentary shows, the ambiguity of certain important provisions in the proposed regulation might affect its scope and effectiveness and contribute to the erosion of the principle of copyright territoriality.
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A year ago, the Parliament of Ukraine adopted four bills on the policy of national memory: on granting access to the archives of the repressive organs of the Communist totalitarian regime in the years 19171991, on the legal status and commemoration of Ukrainian independence fighters in the twentieth century, on the immortalisation of the victory over Nazism in the Second World War, 19391945, and on the condemnation of the Communist and National Socialist (Nazi) totalitarian regimes and the forbidding of their symbolism from being promoted. The laws came into force on 21 May 2015. After a year, it can be stated that only the latter two are being observed the official narrative regarding World War II has been changed, mainly due to the activity of the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance (UINR), but also as a result of public statements by President Petro Poroshenko. The process of removing from public places the names and commemorations referring to the Soviet era is underway, and the fears that this may trigger serious conflicts have not proved true. From roughly a thousand placenames subject to de-communisation some two thirds have been changed so far (parliamentary bills regarding the remaining ones are awaiting approval) and most statues of Communist leaders have been removed. However, the law concerning independence fighters, which raised the most serious controversies, did not have any practical consequences. Moreover, nothing suggests that this could change. The implementation of the de-communisation laws is associated with a significant change in Ukrainian patriotic narrative: it is no longer focused on national martyrdom and it is beginning to emphasize heroic motives, which is in line with wartime needs. The fact that some of these motives are likely to trigger problems in Ukraines relations with Poland seems to be viewed as a marginal by-product.
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Cette thse traite de quelques moments cls dans lhistoire urbaine et architecturale moderne de la ville de Tunis. Elle les aborde conjointement la problmatique du percement de son noyau historique : la mdina, ne dun projet de modernisation urbaine lanc par les beys de Tunis la fin du XIXe sicle, poursuivi par le protectorat franais de 1881 1956, puis par le gouvernement indpendant de 1956 1987. Partant, la recherche est rpartie sur trois temps avec, au centre, le projet de la perce dite de la Casbah adopt par le Prsident Bourguiba la fin de 1959. Pour plusieurs raisons, ce moment est cit rapidement dans la littrature malgr son importance dans la comprhension du visage actuel de la capitale tunisienne. Pour le saisir, on a d retourner aux premires tentatives de percement de la mdina de Tunis par le colonisateur franais en 1887. Puis, on sest progressivement approch de lanctre direct de la perce bourguibienne paru sur le Plan directeur de Tunis en 1948. De ce premier temps, on a mis en valeur les stratgies coloniales dans leur gestion du territoire et leur rapport au processus de valorisation/dvalorisation du patrimoine issu de la civilisation arabo-islamique. Le second temps, qui correspond au plan de dcolonisation men par ltat indpendant ds 1955, est marqu par le lancement dun concours international ouvert pour une tude damnagement de la ville de Tunis organis par le Secrtariat dtat aux travaux publics en collaboration avec lUnion internationale des architectes. Ltude de cet vnement et du colloque qui la suivi a t le voile sur ses raisons dtre politico-conomiques que dissimulaient les usuels soucis de lhygine, de la circulation et de lembellissement du Grand Tunis. Pour appuyer davantage ces constats, un troisime et dernier temps a t ddi au chantier de Tunis au lendemain du concours. Laccent mis sur les lieux symboliques du pouvoir et le dsir obsessif des autorits se les approprier ont rduit ce chantier une redistribution concerte des symboles de la souverainet nationale dans le but de centraliser et de personnifier le pouvoir en place. Le prsent travail se situe dans le cadre des tudes postcoloniales et projette un regard critique sur la dcolonisation en rapport avec ce quon a tax durbanisme dtat. Propuls par une certaine perception de la modernit, cet urbanisme est indissociable dune instrumentalisation politique qui met laccent sur les questions identitaires et patrimoniales, insiste sur la rupture avec le pass et tend carter lopinion publique des questions inhrentes lamnagement du territoire et la sauvegarde de la mmoire collective. En procdant par une analyse contextuelle de faits historiques et une lecture typomorphologique de la perce de la Casbah, cette recherche attire lattention sur lampleur de certaines dcisions gouvernementales concernant lamnagement de lespace urbain et la conservation de lhritage architectural court, moyen et long termes. Elle renseigne aussi sur le rle des collectivits, de llite et des professionnels dans la canalisation de ces dcisions pour ou contre leur droit la ville.
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Drawing inferences from past experiences enables adaptive behavior in future situations. Inference has been shown to depend on hippocampal processes. Usually, inference is considered a deliberate and effortful mental act which happens during retrieval, and requires the focus of our awareness. Recent fMRI studies hint at the possibility that some forms of hippocampus-dependent inference can also occur during encoding and possibly also outside of awareness. Here, we sought to further explore the feasibility of hippocampal implicit inference, and specifically address the temporal evolution of implicit inference using intracranial EEG. Presurgical epilepsy patients with hippocampal depth electrodes viewed a sequence of word pairs, and judged the semantic fit between two words in each pair. Some of the word pairs entailed a common word (e.g.,winter - red, red - cat) such that an indirect relation was established in following word pairs (e.g, winter - cat). The behavioral results suggested that drawing inference implicitly from past experience is feasible because indirect relations seemed to foster fit judgments while the absence of indirect relations fostered 'do not fit' judgments, even though the participants were unaware of the indirect relations. A event-related potential (ERP) difference emerging 400 ms post-stimulus was evident in the hippocampus during encoding, suggesting that indirect relations were already established automatically during encoding of the overlapping word pairs. Further ERP differences emerged later post-stimulus (1500 ms), were modulated by the participants' responses and were evident during encoding and test. Furthermore, response-locked ERP effects were evident at test. These ERP effects could hence be a correlate of the interaction of implicit memory with decision-making. Together, the data map out a time-course in which the hippocampus automatically integrates memories from discrete but related episodes to implicitly influence future decision making.
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Issued as v. 3 of Historic Michigan, land of the Great Lakes, ed. by G.N. Fuller.
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"NPS D-68"--P. [3] of cover.
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"August 1992."
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"Report no. FT IM-19."
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Originally pub. in separate numbers, 1901-
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Submitted in compliance with requirements of the National Historic Preservation Art of 1966 (PL 89-665).
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'The Resonance of Unseen Things: Power, Poetics, Captivity and UFOs in the American Uncanny' offers an ethnographic meditation on the uncanny persistence and cultural freight of conspiracy theory. The project is a reading of conspiracy theory as an index of a certain strain of late-20th century American despondency/malaise, especially as experienced by people experiencing downward social mobility. Written by a cultural anthropologist with a literary background, this is a deeply interdisciplinary project that focuses on the enduring American preoccupation with captivity in a rapidly transforming world. Captivity is a trope that appears in both ordinary and fantastic iterations here, and this book shows how multiple troubled historiesof race, class, gender and powerbecome compressed into stories of uncanny memory.
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Includes index.
