949 resultados para Gruoch, Queen, consort of Macbeth, King of Scotland
Resumo:
Historians of Ireland have devoted considerable attention to the Presbyterian origins of modern Irish republicanism in the 1790s and their overwhelming support for the Union with Great Britain in the 1880s. On the one hand, it has been argued that conservative politics came to dominate nineteenth-century Presbyterianism in the form of Henry Cooke who combined conservative evangelical religion with support for the established order. On the other hand, historians have long acknowledged the continued importance of liberal and radical impulses amongst Presbyterians. Few historians of the nineteenth century have attempted to bring these two stories together and to describe the relationship between the religion and politics of Presbyterians along the lines suggested by scholars of Presbyterian radicalism in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. This article argues that a distinctive form of Presbyterian evangelicalism developed in the nineteenth century that sought to bring the denomination back to the theological and spiritual priorities of seventeenth-century Scottish and Irish Presbyterianism. By doing so, it encouraged many Presbyterians to get involved in movements for reform and liberal politics. Supporters of ‘Covenanter Politics’ utilised their denominational principles and traditions as the basis for political involvement and as a rhetoric of opposition to Anglican privilege and Catholic tyranny. These could be the prime cause of Presbyterian opposition to the infringement of their rights, such as the marriage controversy and the Disruption of the Church of Scotland in the early 1840s, and they could also be employed as a language of opposition in response to broader social and political developments, such as the demands for land reform stimulated by the agricultural depression that accompanied the Famine. Despite their opposition to ascendancy, however, the Covenanter Politics of Presbyterian Liberals predisposed them towards pan-protestant unionism against the threat of ‘Rome Rule’.
Genetic parentage in the squat lobsters Munida rugosa and M. sarsi (Crustacea, Anomura, Galatheidae)
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Munida is the most diverse and cosmopolitan genus of the galatheid squat lobsters. The group has attracted much attention in recent years from both systematic and evolutionary perspectives, yet information on the biology, ecology, and evolution of this genus is very limited. We investigated the genetic parentage of two North Atlantic species; Munida rugosa and M. sarsi sampled from the Clyde Sea on the west coast of Scotland. Microsatellite markers were used to establish the parental contribution from embryos of berried females (M. rugosa, n=25 and M. sarsi, n=5). The frequency of multiple paternity observed in both species (86% for M. rugosa and 100% for M. sarsi) is the highest ever reported for any marine crustaceans. Invariably more than two sires were involved in each case (minimum of two to three for M. rugosa and four for M. sarsi). Findings indicate that multiple paternity is likely to be the norm in both species. Within most multiply sired broods, sire contribution was highly skewed towards a single male (66% of broods for M. rugosa and 100% for M. sarsi). Furthermore, embryos from different sires were randomly distributed across the female's brood patch. This is the first report of multiple paternity in galatheids. While a number of theories can account for the high incidence of multiple paternity in these species (e.g. convenience polyandry as a result of cryptic female choice, forced copulations, the influence of fishing pressures), at present it is not possible to disentangle their individual and/or combined effects.
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The palaeoloricate ‘polyplacophorans’ are an extinct paraphyletic group of basal chiton-like organisms known primarily from their fossilized valves. Their phylo- genetic placement remains contentious, but they are likely to include both stem-group Polyplacophora and stem- group Aplacophora. Candidates for the latter position include ‘Helminthochiton’ thraivensis from the Ordovician of Scotland, which we redescribe here through a combined optical and micro-CT (XMT) restudy of the type material. The 11 specimens in the type series are all articulated, presenting partial or complete valve series as well as moul- dic preservation of the girdle armature; they demonstrate a vermiform body plan. The valves are typically palaeolori- cate in aspect, but differ in detail from all existing palaeol- oricate genera; we hence erect Phthipodochiton gen. nov. to contain the species. The most notable feature of the fossils is the spicular girdle; this is impersistently preserved, but demonstrably wraps entirely around the ventral surface of the animal, implying that a ‘true’ (i.e. polyplacophoran like) foot was absent, although we do not exclude the pos- sibility of a narrow solenogastre-like median pedal groove having been present. Phthipodochiton thraivensis presents an apparent mosaic of aplacophoran and polyplacophoran features and as such will inform our understanding of the relationship between these groups of extant molluscs. An inference may also be drawn that at least some other pal- aeoloricates possessed an ‘armoured aplacophoran’ body plan, in contrast to the ‘limpet-like’ body plan of extant Polyplacophora.
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This article explores how stateless nationalist parties in the ‘Celtic periphery’ of Scotland and Northern Ireland have used Europe to advance their territorial projects. Despite vastly different historical, political and social contexts, the Scottish National Party and Northern Ireland's Social Democratic and Labour Party have both advanced a pro-European, social democratic discourse that emphasises the importance of Europe as a framework for constitutional reform and shared sovereignty. However, in recent years the parties have diverged on Europe. While the SDLP has continued its principled commitment to further integration, the SNP has articulated an increased criticism of the supranational project. This divergence in party attitudes reveals the extent to which the pro-European dimension of Celtic nationalism is ideological or opportunistic.
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Paired grain, shoot, and soil of 173 individual sample sets of commercially farmed temperate rice, wheat, and barley were surveyed to investigate variation in the assimilation and translocation of arsenic (As). Rice samples were obtained from the Carmargue (France), Doñana (Spain), Cadiz (Spain), California, and Arkansas. Wheat and barleywere collected from Cornwall and Devon (England) and the east coast of Scotland. Transfer of As from soil to grain was an order of magnitude greater in rice than for wheat and barley, despite lower rates of shoot-to-grain transfer. Rice grain As levels over 0.60 microg g(-1) d. wt were found in rice grown in paddy soil of around only 10 microg g(-1) As, showing that As in paddy soils is problematic with respect to grain As levels. This is due to the high shoot/soil ratio of approximately 0.8 for rice compared to 0.2 and 0.1 for barley and wheat, respectively. The differences in these transfer ratios are probably due to differences in As speciation and dynamics in anaerobic rice soils compared to aerobic soils for barley and wheat. In rice, the export of As from the shoot to the grain appears to be under tight physiological control as the grain/shoot ratio decreases by more than an order of magnitude (from approximately 0.3 to 0.003 mg/kg) and as As levels in the shoots increase from 1 to 20 mg/kg. A down regulation of shoot-to-grain export may occur in wheat and barley, but it was not detected at the shoot As levels found in this survey. Some agricultural soils in southwestern England had levels in excess of 200 microg g(-1) d. wt, although the grain levels for wheat and barley never breached 0.55 microg g(-1) d. wt. These grain levels were achieved in rice in soils with an order of magnitude lower As. Thus the risk posed by As in the human food-chain needs to be considered in the context of anaerobic verses aerobic ecosystems.
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Purpose: The aim of this study is to describe the ocular and demographic features of Caucasian patients newly presenting with primary angle closure glaucoma and the proportion of workload it represents at a tertiary university hospital glaucoma service. Methods: A retrospective case notes review was conducted for all Caucasian patients newly diagnosed with narrow angles, primary angle closure, acute primary angle closure and primary angle closure glaucoma that were seen over a period of 2 years. Demographic and ocular variables were compared and statistical analysis was carried out with the paired t -test and chi-squared test. Number of primary open angle closure glaucoma and acute angle closure cases were compared with total number of new referrals to the department, new patients diagnosed with glaucoma and population numbers for the North East of Scotland. Results: One hundred and four patients were analysed. Twenty-four (23.1%) had narrow angles, 30 (28.8%) had primary angle closure and 50 (48.1%) had primary angle closure glaucoma. Twelve (11.5%) presented with acute primary angle closure. There was no significant difference for gender, age, hypermetropia or visual acuity between groups. Primary angle closure glaucoma constituted 22.9% (50/128) of newly diagnosed glaucoma cases. Based on the 2001 Scotland census, the crude annual incidence of newly diagnosed primary angle closure glaucoma was estimated at 14.8 per 100000 and 3.6 per 100000 for acute primary angle closure in the over-45-year-old population. Conclusion: Our study confirms that primary angle closure glaucoma is uncommon in Caucasians, but not as rare as originally perceived as it makes up a fair proportion (22.9%) of glaucoma workload. © 2009 The Authors Journal Compilation © 2009 Royal Australian and New Zealand College of Ophthalmologists.
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This essay investigates the extent to which girlhood functions as a queer category in two theatrical representations of schoolgirls in early seventeenth-century England. It focuses on the depictions of schoolgirls in the anonymous The Wit of a Woman (1604), written for the all-male stage of the professional theatre, and in Robert White’s masque, Cupid’s Banishment (1617), performed by the young Ladies of Deptford Hall before Queen Anna of Denmark, to examine the intersections of age, gender, sexuality and education in early modern concepts of girlhood. Situating these plays within wider debates about female education and the history of the contested role of performance in the schooling of early modern girls, it argues that they deploy the category of girlhood to demonstrate the subversive potential of educating girls. Yet, this essay proposes, these plays simultaneously reveal the potential agency of young women who manipulate girlhood to claim their distinct sexual, aged and gendered states as girls. It argues that early modern girlhood is a state that might be performed by young women to disrupt normative expectations of feminine behaviour and desire. Placing dramatic representations of schoolgirls and the experiences of schoolgirls on the early modern stage side by side, this essay demonstrates that the schoolroom and performance are sites in which this transgressive potential is realised.
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A field and market basket study (similar to 1300 samples) of locally grown fruits and vegetables from historically mined regions of southwest (SW) England (Cornwall and Devon), and as reference, a market basket study of similarly locally grown produce from the northeast (NE) of Scotland (Aberdeenshire) was conducted to determine the concentration of total and inorganic arsenic present in produce from these two geogenically different areas of the U.K. On average 98.5% of the total arsenic found was present in the inorganic form. For both the market basket and the field survey, the highest total arsenic was present in open leaf structure produce (i.e., kale, chard, lettuce, greens, and spinach) being most likely to soil/dust contamination of the open leaf structure. The concentration of total arsenic in potatoes, swedes, and carrots was lower in peeled produce compared to unpeeled produce. For baked potatoes, the concentration of total arsenic in the skin was higher compared to the total arsenic concentration of the potato flesh, this difference in localization being confirmed by laser ablation inductively coupled plasma mass spectroscopy (LA-ICP-MS). For all above ground produce (e.g., apples), peeling did not have a significant effect on the concentration of total arsenic present.
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Two issues currently dominate the UK's constitutional landscape: the UK's membership of the European Union (EU) on the one hand; and the unsettled constitutional settlements between the UK and the devolved administrations of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland on the other. This article considers these two issues in concert. It stresses the distinct relationships between the EU and the devolved territories within the UK—concerning both devolved and non-devolved policy areas—highlighting the salience of a devolved perspective in any consideration of UK–EU relations. Despite its importance, sensitivity to this has been lacking. The article explores the implications of a ‘Leave’ or ‘Remain’ outcome on the future of the internal territorial dynamics within the UK. While there are too many unknowns to be certain of anything, that there will be knock-on effects is, however, beyond doubt.
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This paper explores the political reaction to Lord McConnell’s appeal for a political ‘truce’ in the form of a temporary halt to campaigning by all political parties and organisations involved in the debate regarding the Scottish independence referendum during the Glasgow 2014 Commonwealth Games (BBC, 2014; McConnell, 2014). Urging both sides of the debate to cease campaigning for the two-week period of the Glasgow 2014 games, the current Labour peer and past First Minister of the Scottish Parliament cited concerns that there are “genuine concerns that the Games, and the image of Scotland, could be damaged by attempts by either side – for and against – to use the Games to promote their cause, or to use the venues for campaigning” (McConnell, 2014). Drawing upon the principles of both a critical discourse and a narrative analysis methodological approach, this paper will scrutinise the nature of the political reactions to McConnell’s proposal from a variety of perspectives on both sides of the independence referendum debate. In particular, the emphasis in the responses from both sides of the debate regarding the apolitical nature of the 2014 Games will be critiqued, drawing upon the arguments of past analyses of sporting mega-events which highlight the potential for political exploitation of such events by the host nations (e.g. Horne, 2007; Grix, 2012; Houlihan and Giulianotti, 2012; Roche, 2006). Furthermore, the findings of academic research on the political implications of hosting the Commonwealth Games will be considered (e.g. Majumdar and Mehta, 2010; Van Der Westhuizen, 2004; Macintosh and Greenhorn, 1992; Majumdar, 2011; Lockstone and Baum, 2010; Macfarlane and Herd, 1986), highlighting a number of precedents which demonstrate the numerous challenges faced in any attempts to the keep the 2014 Games free from political influence.