828 resultados para Criminal law,


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The age of majority determines when a young person is considered adult in the eyes of the law, and in many countries this is set at 18 years. This does not take into account the differing ways and time-frames in which young people mature and develop. In justice systems in which individuals can be awarded leniency due to mental impairment, it becomes apparent that a similar justification can be made for issues surrounding maturity. This is of particular importance due to a growing trend in the Western world for young people to be tried as adults based on their crime, rather than their individual culpability. The aim of this review was to consider the interaction between maturity and criminal culpability.

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Applying for a job is stressful enough, but if you have a criminal record, even if it’s not relevant to the job you’re applying for, it can be a nightmare.

Employers in Australia regularly discriminate on the grounds that a person has an irrelevant criminal record and checking criminal records is on the increase. The number of criminal record checks undertaken in Victoria have risen by almost 6,000% since 1993.

It is concerning then that the few laws that prohibit discrimination on the basis of irrelevant criminal record lack real teeth.

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Informal sentencing procedures in remote Indigenous communities of Australia have been occurring for some time, but it was in the late 1990s that formalization of the practice began in urban areas with the advent of Indigenous sentencing and circle courts. These circle courts emerged primarily to address the over-representation and incarceration of Indigenous people in the criminal justice system. The first Indigenous urban court was assembled in Port Adelaide, South Australia in June 1999 and was named the Nunga Court. Courts emerging since in other states are based on the Nunga Court model, although they have been adapted to suit local conditions. The practice of circle sentencing was introduced in New South Wales (NSW) in Nowra in February 2002.

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The O'Farrell government must reconsider their recommendation to retain a restricted version of the controversial partial defence of provocation. The government has released a draft exposure bill recommending reform of a partial defence that has long attracted criticism and community concern. Under the proposed reform, the defence will be significantly restricted and will be renamed the "partial defence of extreme provocation".

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The potential for criminals and terrorism financiers to secure lucrativegovernment contracts poses a risk to Australia’s anti-money laundering,anti-corruption and counter-terrorism financing objectives. This articlecompares the customer due diligence measures that banks are required to implement to prevent money laundering and terrorism financing with the general supplier due diligence practices and processes of key Australian government departments and agencies. It identifies various weaknesses in current procurement practices relating to standard contracts and argues that these render Australian public procurement vulnerable to criminal abuse, threaten compliance with its sanctions regime and potentially undermine the crime combating objectives of its money laundering and terrorism financinglaws. The article recommends that the national interest calls for awhole-of-government approach to improve supplier due diligence in public procurement.

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Segundo o Código de Processo Penal brasileiro, a Perícia é imprescindível, e não pode ser substituída pela confissão do acusado, nos crimes que deixem vestígios. Esta pesquisa inicia um estudo acerca da construção da identidade profissional do Perito Criminal Federal, o Perito que atua no âmbito da Polícia Federal no Brasil. A abordagem acadêmica foi adotada no sentido de serem identificadas as principais questões que contribuem na construção da identidade desse profissional. O objetivo principal do trabalho é o reconhecimento pelo Perito Criminal Federal do seu papel para a sociedade, de modo que se vislumbrem iniciativas que possam incentivar a busca de melhorias, de aprimoramento na formação e evolução dos profissionais, beneficiando não apenas a motivação e satisfação profissional, mas, sobretudo, a resposta que este produz para a sociedade. O resultado da pesquisa revelou que sua identidade, como a de qualquer profissional, está em constante metamorfose, e sofre a influência de sua história e verdades individuais e das influências do ambiente social e profissional. O estudo demonstrou que existem lacunas a serem preenchidas na visão do próprio profissional com relação ao retorno quanto ao resultado efetivo do seu trabalho, além da preocupação com o equilíbrio entre quantidade e qualidade na produção de Laudos Periciais Criminais. Observou-se ainda a existência de um ambiente organizacional desfavorável quanto ao cumprimento de leis e recomendações, internacionais e nacionais, que preconizam a necessidade de autonomia para a realização do trabalho pericial, de forma a garantir a prova isenta e neutra em busca da justiça. Também ficou nítida a necessidade de maior comunicação e discussão interna acerca da visão de futuro da profissão. É primordial para a efetivação de uma sociedade democrática, que respeita os direitos humanos e zela pela segurança pública, uma Perícia Criminal Federal consciente de sua identidade, efetiva, que possa atuar com motivação, celeridade e qualidade em prol da justiça para os cidadãos brasileiros.

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A presente pesquisa visa identificar o papel do Laudo de Perícia Criminal junto aos operadores do direito, bem como qual o grau de participação nas sentenças proferidas em âmbito judicial. Sabe-se que o Laudo de Perícia Criminal é um documento de cunho técnico-científico – produzido por perito criminal – com o objetivo de auxiliar à Justiça com seu conteúdo baseado no estudo de especialistas, sendo o Laudo de Perícia Criminal um dos meios de prova mais robustos utilizados pelo magistrado para proferir uma sentença judicial ou para uso dos jurados nos casos de crimes dolosos contra a vida. Parte do método de pesquisa foi qualitativo e, para a coleta de dados, utilizou-se de entrevista – mediante questionário – com operadores do direito (delegados de polícia, juízes de direito e promotores de justiça) que atuavam em processos de homicídio e/ou latrocínio e lotados nas cinco Regiões Administrativas que, em conjunto, abarcavam mais de 50% dos crimes dessas naturezas. Posteriormente passou-se à análise documental, onde foram verificados 172 (cento e setenta e dois) levantamentos de local e suas repercussões no âmbito judicial. Algumas conclusões em relação aos laudos foram apontadas: tais como sua intempestividade em alguns casos. Porém, foi possível abrir um novo olhar para o documento técnico que tanto auxilia a justiça criminal. Abordou-se, ainda, a falta de uma realimentação (feedback) de informações para os peritos criminais do Instituto de Criminalística, que acarreta problemas de ordem motivacional.

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The thesis, prepared with basis on deductive reasoning (through the utilization of general concepts of the fundamental rights theory) and on inductive logic (by means of the consideration of particular situations in which the theme has been approached) deals with the criminal investigation and the prohibition of anonymity in the Brazilian law system. The state criminal investigation activity presents not only a substantial constitutional basis, due to the objective dimension of fundamental rights (which imposes an obligation to protect these essential values), but also a formal constitutional basis, arising from the administrative principles of rule of law, morality and efficiency, referred to in article 37 of the Constitution. The criminal investigation, however, is not an unlimited pursuit, being restrained by the duty to consider fundamental rights that oppose to its realization. One of the limits of the state investigation activity, in the Brazilian law system, is the prohibition of anonymity, referred to in article 5°, IV, of the Constitution. This prohibition is a direct constitutional restriction to the freedom of expression that aims to ensure the credibility of the diffusion of ideas and prevent the abusive exercise of this fundamental right, which could harm both persons and the state, with no possibility of punishment to the offending party. Generally, based on this prohibition, it is affirmed that a criminal investigation cannot begin and progress founded on anonymous communication of crimes. Informations about crimes to the investigative authorities require the correct identification of the stakeholders. Therefore, it is sustained that the prohibition of anonymity also comprehends the prohibition of utilization of pseudonyms and heteronyms. The main purpose of this essay is to recognize the limits and possibilities in starting and conducting criminal investigations based on communication of crimes made by unidentified persons, behind the veil of anonymity or hidden by pseudonyms or heteronyms. Although the prohibition of article 5°, IV, of the Constitution is not submitted to direct or indirect constitutional restrictions, this impediment can be object of mitigation in certain cases, in attention to the constitutional values that support state investigation. The pertinence analysis of the restrictions to the constitutional anonymity prohibition must consider the proportionality, integrated by the partial elements of adequacy, necessity and strict sense proportionality. The criminal investigation is a means to achieve a purpose, the protection of fundamental rights, because the disclosure of facts, through the investigatory activity, gives rise to the accomplishment of measures in order to prevent or punish the violations eventually verified. So, the start and the development of the state criminal investigation activity, based on a crime communication carried out by an unidentified person, will depend on the demonstration that the setting up and continuity of an investigation procedure, in each case, are an adequate, necessary and (in a strict sense) proportional means to the protection of fundamental rights

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This paper analyzes the relationship between fundamental rights and the exercise of the claim punitive society in a democratic state. It starts with the premise that there are fundamental rights that limit and determine the validity of all forms of manifestation of the claim punitive society (legislating, investigative, adjudicative or ministerial) and there are others that require the state the right exercise, fast and effective of these activities. Travels to history in order to see that the first meaning of these rights was built between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, after all a history of abuses committed by state agents in the exercise of criminal justice, and positively valued in the declarations of human rights and proclaimed in the constitutions after the American and French Revolutions, while the second meaning has been assigned between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, when, because of the serious social problems generated largely by absenteeism state, it was noted that in addition to subjective rights the individual against the state, fundamental rights are also objective values, which trigger an order directed the state to protect them against the action of the offending individuals themselves (duty to protect), the mission of which the State seeks to discharge, among other means, through the issue of legal rules typifying the behavior detrimental to such rights, subject to penalties, and the concrete actions of public institutions created by the Constitution to operate penal law. Under this double bias, it is argued that the rule violates the Constitution in the exercise of the claim punitive society as much as by excess malfere fundamental rights that limit, as when it allows facts wrong by offending fundamental rights, remain unpunished either by inaction or by insufficient measures taken abstractly or concretely provided

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Este artigo discute a trajetória intelectual e política de Paulo Egídio. Autor praticamente esquecido pelos trabalhos que reconstituem a história do pensamento social no Brasil, Paulo Egídio foi um importante divulgador da sociologia entre o final do século XIX e o início do século XX em São Paulo, tendo produzido uma obra pioneira sobre Durkheim e desenvolvido cursos livres da disciplina. O artigo busca também apresentar alguns aspectos de sua atividade política como senador nos primeiros momentos da República, quando teve destacada participação no debate sobre a criação de uma rede de instituições de controle social e, em particular, sobre a construção de uma nova penitenciária para o estado de São Paulo.