914 resultados para Brazil-China trade


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In the two decades since 2001, when China joined the World Trade Organization,the commercialization of the Chinese media has become a significant force. With the increasing demand for original content and a possible “cultural trade deficit” in media content, there has been much discussion about agglomeration and clustering. Beijing, as the national media centre of China, has witnessed the process of media agglomeration while facing the problem of cultural export during the commercialization of the media. Michael Curtin’s idea of media capital, which sees it as absorbing media resources and personnel and exporting media products transnationally, provides a dynamic perspective on understanding media agglomeration and dispersion under different political social and cultural circumstances. Hence, the question of whether Beijing will transform into a transnational media capital is worth studying in order to observe and comprehend China’s media industry in transition. Drawing on Michael Curtin’s three media capital trajectories, this paper interprets tensions and challenges generated in the process of media industry agglomeration and growth in Beijing. Emphasis is placed on the third trajectory, socio-cultural variation.

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As a decentralised communication technology, the Internet has offered much autonomy and unprecedented communication freedom to the Chinese public. Yet the Chinese government has imposed different forms of censorship over cyberspace. However, the Hong Kong erotic photo scandal reshuffles the traditional understanding of censorship in China as it points to a different territory. The paper takes the Hong Kong erotic photo scandal in 2008 as a case study and aims to examine the social and generational conflicts hidden in China. When thousands of photos containing sexually explicit images of Hong Kong celebrities were released on the Internet, gossip, controversies and eroticism fuelled the public discussion and threatened traditional values in China. The Internet provides an alternative space for the young Chinese who have been excluded from mainstream social discourse to engage in public debates. This, however, creates concerns, fear and even anger among the older generations in China, because they can no longer control, monitor and educate their children in the way that their predecessors have done for centuries. The photo scandal illustrates the internal social conflicts and distrust between generations in China and the generational conflict has a far-reaching political ramification as it creates a new concept of censorship.

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This research was done on lazulite samples from the Gentil mine, a lithium bearing pegmatite located in the municipality of Mendes Pimentel, Minas Gerais, Brazil. Chemical analysis was carried out by electron microprobe analysis and indicated a magnesium rich phase with partial substitution of iron. Traces of Ca and Mn, (which partially replaced Mg) were found. The calculated chemical formula of the studied sample is: (Mg0.88, Fe0.11)Al1.87(PO4)2.08(OH)2.02. The Raman spectrum of lazulite is dominated by an intense sharp band at 1060 cm-1 assigned to PO stretching vibrations of of tetrahedral [PO4] clusters presents into the HPO2/4- units. Two Raman bands at 1102 and 1137 cm-1 are attributed to both the HOP and PO antisymmetric stretching vibrations. The two infrared bands at 997 and 1007 cm-1 are attributed to the m1 PO3/4- symmetric stretching modes. The intense bands at 1035, 1054, 1081, 1118 and 1154 cm-1 are assigned to the v3PO3/4- antisymmetric stretching modes from both the HOP and tetrahedral [PO4] clusters. A set of Raman bands at 605, 613, 633 and 648 cm-1 are assigned to the m4 out of plane bending modes of the PO4, HPO4 and H2PO4 units. Raman bands observed at 414, 425, 460, and 479 cm-1 are attributed to the m2 tetrahedral PO4 clusters, HPO4 and H2PO4 bending modes. The intense Raman band at 3402 and the infrared band at 3403 cm-1 are assigned to the stretching vibration of the OH units. A combination of Raman and infrared spectroscopy enabled aspects of the molecular structure of the mineral lazulite to be understood.

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The promotion of educational equity and improvement of educational quality in China are contextualised in tenets of Confucianism and policy directives, inspiring educational research and practice. In this paper, we first explore the historical and cultural roots of educational equity and quality through Confucianism and elaborate on the current policy priority that aims to address educational equity and quality. We then present an overview of research on equity and quality in Chinese education. Informed by Confucianism, policy, and research, we pose a framework to structure our investigation and analysis of three illustrative examples, namely the Special Post Teacher Plan, amalgamation of rural schools, and schooling of floating children. Drawing insights from Confucianism, policy, research, and practice, we conclude that the promotion of educational equity through high quality provision of education for disadvantaged groups can help to narrow the gap in educational quality currently existing in China.

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Using a sociological approach, this study examines China’s reform of open educational resources (OER), which has prompted significant changes to the nation’s higher education sector. Through an analysis of the policy processes that have driven the reform, this study demonstrates that the reform has involved and brought significant changes to its participants as resource administrators, providers, and receivers. By using governmentality as a poststructuralist analytical framework, this study shows the particular ways in which the reform process has been governed and the ways in which the governing practices have changed the conduct of higher education. The study reveals the power relations exercised through the reform and offers a critique of China’s higher education sector.

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On March 17 2011 the UN Security Council passed resolution 1973 authorising the use of force for civilian protection purposes in Libya.1 This resolution was hailed by many supporters of the responsibility to protect (R2P) as a crucial step towards the consolidation of the concept’s normative standing.2 Gareth Evans described the intervention as ‘a textbook case of the R2P norm working exactly as it was supposed to’.3 For Lloyd Axworthy the Libya episode signalled a move towards a ‘more humane world’.4 UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon declared that it ‘affirms, clearly and unequivocally, the international community’s determination to fulfil its responsibility to protect civilians from violence perpetrated by their own government.’5 At first glance, the Security Council’s rapid, decisive response to escalating violence in Libya might well have suggested a new willingness on the part of the international community to take collective action to avert intra-state humanitarian crises. However, a closer examination of the text of resolution 1973 and statements by Security Council member states reveals a less than complete endorsement of R2P. Disagreements between states over the scope of the mandate for the use of force in Libya quickly emerged. Long-standing fears among Russia, China and other non-Western states that R2P could be used as a pretext for regime change returned to the fore as the legality and legitimacy of NATO’s military action were called into question. This post-Libya backlash against R2P has been a central factor in the international community’s subsequent inability to agree on effective civilian protection measures in Syria. Much of the optimism that surrounded R2P in the immediate aftermath of resolution 1973 has given way to a sober realization that achieving international consensus on civilian protection measures will rarely be straightforward.

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This thesis is a study of whether the Australian Clean Energy Package complies with the rules of the World Trade Organization. It examines the legal framework for the Australian carbon pricing mechanism and related arrangements, using World Trade Organization law as the framework for analysis. In doing so, this thesis deconstructs the Clean Energy Package by considering the legal properties of eligible emissions units, the assistance measures introduced by the Package and the liabilities created by the carbon pricing mechanism.

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Kinship care is the oldest form of alternative child care in the world. Recent years have witnessed a significant increase in the number of children being placed in kinship care across Western countries. However, in contrast to rapid knowledge advances about formal kinship care, far less is known about the needs of children in informal kinship care, especially in Asian contexts. This thesis and the study upon which it is formed sought to redress this knowledge gap. Qualitative approach was adopted to explore social constructions of children in informal kinship care in rural China. Parents in China seeking work in cities have left behind around 58 million rural children, mostly with relatives and without the involvement of the state. The present study examined caregivers’ and school personnel’s understandings of these school-age children’s needs through semi-structured interviews with 23 kin caregivers and five school personnel in Shijiapu Town, Jilin Province, China. The central question that guided the whole study is: What are the needs of children in informal kinship care in rural Jilin Province, China? Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis was used to categorise and interpret the qualitative data. Based on participants’ constructions, this study developed a need model with eight themes. They are: (1) emotional needs and mental health, (2) relationships, (3) empowerment and agency, (4) safety, (5) education, (6) basic care, (7) physical health, and (8) personal development. These needs are grounded in the Chinese context, and therefore a good understanding of Chinese culture is essential to address them. The first four needs particularly capture children’s separations from their parents, and the rest are more general, and can be applied to most Chinese children. To meet the most important need for children left behind, namely education, these caregivers determined that others needs sometimes have to be compromised. Children left behind are a vulnerable group in contemporary rural China, and their diverse needs are attended to by several groups. This study found that as children’s closest kin while their parents are away, caregivers play a vital role in salving the children’s emotional loss. Caregivers’ love and familial obligations strongly motivate them to care for these children, and sensitivity to social stigma makes them strive to show their love and care to compensate for perceived differences between these children and their peers. Caregivers’ efforts to make children happy, however, were sometimes criticised by some school personnel, who see this as spoiling. The conflicting viewpoint between caregivers and school personnel indicate their different roles and perceptions in children’s lives, and the latter influence these children in a more authoritative way. Informal kinship care has several advantages of addressing children’s needs, especially their needs for emotional bonds with family. Community-based kin networks provide children with both emotional and material support. However, these advantages sometimes are restricted by caregivers’ child rearing capacity. Having developed a model of the needs of children left behind in China, this study suggests that caregivers, school personnel and government social services work in harmony to be child-centred and meet these children’s diverse needs. The unmet needs of children left behind mainly result from unbalanced development between urban and rural China, therefore, it is imperative to enhance state policies and programs that improve wellbeing for this growing part of China’s people.

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Plant growth can be limited by resource acquisition and defence against consumers, leading to contrasting trade-off possibilities. The competition-defence hypothesis posits a trade-off between competitive ability and defence against enemies (e.g. herbivores and pathogens). The growth-defence hypothesis suggests that strong competitors for nutrients are also defended against enemies, at a cost to growth rate. We tested these hypotheses using observations of 706 plant populations of over 500 species before and following identical fertilisation and fencing treatments at 39 grassland sites worldwide. Strong positive covariance in species responses to both treatments provided support for a growth-defence trade-off: populations that increased with the removal of nutrient limitation (poor competitors) also increased following removal of consumers. This result held globally across 4 years within plant life-history groups and within the majority of individual sites. Thus, a growth-defence trade-off appears to be the norm, and mechanisms maintaining grassland biodiversity may operate within this constraint.

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While user-generated short online videos have existed since the emergence of video sharing sites in China, they have undergone a process of formalisation and commercialisation, culminating in the wave of micro-movies in recent years. By addressing the wider context of globalisation alongside relevant state policies and shifting viewing habits, this article analyses the local and global causes of this wave. It offers evidence that illustrates how online video service providers in China have adapted in a changing industry landscape as they negotiate state policies, advertiser interests and user preference. It then examines the production and distribution dynamics, where professional producers draw on social media, grassroots creativity and creative talents in regional markets. Finally, it discusses the cultural implications of this process in terms of both the nature and flow of creativity. Based on these analyses, the article also sheds light on the interplay between the state and the market in the context of globalisation and marketisation of media sectors, which becomes more complicated when the state-owned or controlled media enter the emerging market sectors.

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The mineral natrodufrénite a secondary pegmatite phosphate mineral from Minas Gerais, Brazil, has been studied by a combination of scanning electron microscopy and vibrational spectroscopic techniques. Electron probe analysis shows the formula of the studied mineral as (Na0.88Ca0.12)∑1.00(Mn0.11Mg0.08Ca0.04Zr0.01Cu0.01)∑0.97(Al0.02)∑4.91(PO4)3.96(OH6.15F0.07)6.22⋅2.05(H2O). Raman spectroscopy identifies an intense peak at 1003 cm−1 assigned to the ν1 symmetric stretching mode. Raman bands are observed at 1059 and 1118 cm−1 and are attributed to the ν3 antisymmetric stretching vibrations. A comparison is made with the spectral data of other hydrate hydroxy phosphate minerals including cyrilovite and wardite. Raman bands at 560, 582, 619 and 668 cm−1 are assigned to the ν4 bending modes and Raman bands at 425, 444, 477 and 507 cm−1 are due to the ν2 bending modes. Raman bands in the 2600–3800 cm−1 spectral range are attributed to water and OH stretching vibrations. Vibrational spectroscopy enables aspects of the molecular structure of natrodufrénite to be assessed.

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The concept of environmental justice is well developed in North America, but is still at the evolutionary stage in most other jurisdictions around the globe. This paper seeks to explore two jurisdictions where incidents of environmental justice are likely to be seen in the future as a result of manufacturing and mining practices. The discussion will centre upon avenues to environmental justice for both private citizens and the public at large. The first jurisdiction considered is China, where environmental liability claims brought by Chinese citizens have increased at an annual average of 25% (Yang 2011). Manufacturing is at the core of the Chinese economy and is responsible for some of the unprecedented economic growth in the region. Less discussed are the industry impacts on water and air pollution levels and the associated implications of these pollutants on local communities. China introduced the Tort Liability Law (TLL) in 2010, which may provide avenues to justice for private citizens. The other jurisdiction considered by the paper is Australia, where the mining boom has buffered the Australian economy from the global financial crisis. There is some limited case law in Australia where private citizens have made a claim in toxic torts; however the framework is underdeveloped in terms of the significant risks facing indigenous and local communities in mining areas and also by comparison to the developments of the TLL framework in China. This paper traces the regulatory responses to the affects of major industries on communities in China and Australia. From this it examines the need for environmental justice avenues that align with rule of law principles.

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This thesis examines the role of Confucius Institutes in China's cultural diplomacy. It analyses Confucius Institutes in Australia and Germany and explains the differences between Confucius Institutes and their international counterparts such as the British Council or the Goethe Institute. China's unique approach to establish these institutes as joint ventures has multiple implications not only for individual institutes and their partners involved, but more generally for the Chinese understanding of cultural diplomacy. The case of Confucius Institutes shows China's willingness to cooperate with foreigners in the context of cultural diplomacy, which, as with all such diplomatic endeavours, eventually serves national interests.

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Worksite wellness efforts can generate enormous health-care savings. Many of the methods available to obtain health and wellness measures can be confusing and lack clarity; for example it can be difficult to understand if measures are appropriate for individuals or population health. Come along and enjoy a hands-on learning experience about measures and better understanding health and wellness outcomes from baseline, midway and beyond.

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This study examined the effects of role demand on both work–family conflict and family–work conflict, and the moderating effects of role salience and support on these relationships. Based on 391 dual-career (managerial and blue-collar employees) couples from a Taiwanese company in China, the results of this survey study showed clear gender differences in the patterns of relationships observed. For men, the most important demands that negatively impacted on work–family conflict were frequency of overtime and frequency of socializing for work purposes (yingchou), and supervisory support buffered the negative impact of frequent overtime. For women however, strong supervisory support and low work role salience were more important for reducing work–family conflict, and there was no significant main effect found for any of the role demand factors. Furthermore, women with high work role salience were more likely to feel the impact of yingchou on work–family conflict. In the family domain, the most influential demand for men was hours spent on household tasks, but for women, it was the frequency of family-related leave. Interestingly, males reported higher family role salience than females and spouse support intensified rather than buffered the positive impact of hours spent on household tasks on family–work conflict for males.