996 resultados para Alaska. Legislature.
Resumo:
Small mesothermal vein quam-gold-base-metal sulfide deposits from which some 20 t of Au-Ag bullion have been extracted, are the most common gold deposits in the Georgetown region of north Queensland-several hundred were mined or prospected between 1870 and 1950. These deposits are mostly hosted by Proterozoic granitic and metamorphic rocks and are similar to the much larger Charters Towers deposits such as Day Dawn and Brilliant, and in some respects to the Motherlode deposits of California. The largest deposit in the region-Kidston (> 138 t of Au and Ag since 1985)- is substantially different. It is hosted by sheeted quartz veins and cavities in brecciated Silurian granite and Proterozoic metamorphics above nested high-level Carboniferous intrusives associated with a nearby cauldron subsidence structure. This paper provides new information (K-Ar and Rb-Sr isotopic ages, preliminary oxygen isotope and fluid-inclusion data) from some of the mesothermal deposits and compares it with the Kidston deposit. All six dated mesothermal deposits have Siluro-Devonian (about 425 to 400 Ma) ages. All nine of such deposits analysed have delta(18)O quartz values in the range 8.4 to 15.7 parts per thousand, Fluid-inclusion data indicate homogenisation temperatures in the range 230-350 degrees C. This information, and a re-interpretation of the spatial relationships of the deposits with various elements of the updated regional geology, is used to develop a preliminary metallogenic model of the mesothermal Etheridge Goldfield. The model indicates how the majority of deposits may have formed from hydrothermal systems initiated during the emplacement of granitic batholiths that were possibly, but not clearly, associated with Early Palaeozoic subduction, and that these fluid systems were dominated by substantially modified meteoric and/or magmatic fluids. The large Kidston deposit and a few small relatives are of Carboniferous age and formed more directly from magmatic systems much closer to the surface.
Resumo:
This field study was a combined chemical and biological investigation of the relative effects of using dispersants to treat oil spills impacting mangrove habitats. The aim of the chemistry was to determine whether dispersant affected the short- or long-term composition of a medium range crude oil (Gippsland) stranded in a tropical mangrove environment in Queensland, Australia. Sediment cores from three replicate plots of each treatment (oil only and oil plus dispersant) were analyzed for total hydrocarbons and for individual molecular markers (alkanes, aromatics, triterpanes, and steranes). Sediments were collected at 2 days, then 1, 7, 13 and 22 months post-spill. Over this time, oil in the six treated plots decreased exponentially from 36.6 +/- 16.5 to 1.2 +/- 0.8 mg/g dry wt. There was no statistical difference in initial oil concentrations, penetration of oil to depth, or in the rates of oil dissipation between oiled or dispersed oil plots. At 13 months, alkanes were >50% degraded, aromatics were similar to 30% degraded based upon ratios of labile to resistant markers. However, there was no change in the triterpane or sterane biomarker signatures of the retained oil. This is of general forensic interest for pollution events. The predominant removal processes were evaporation (less than or equal to 27%) and dissolution (greater than or equal to 56%), with a lag-phase of 1 month before the start of significant microbial degradation (less than or equal to 7%). The most resistant fraction of the oil that remained after 7 months (the higher molecular weight hydrocarbons) correlated with the initial total organic carbon content of the soil. Removal rate in the Queensland mangroves was significantly faster than that observed in the Caribbean and was related to tidal flushing. (C) 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
Resumo:
This article considers the impact of electoral quotas for women. Most studies have either focused on whether particular policies increase the numbers of women elected or assessed the extent to which a greater number of women in the legislature produces more gender-sensitive legislation. However, little attention has been paid to the cultural changes that can result from adopting gender quotas. This article argues that, although increasing the number of women in legislatures may improve the attention to gender issues, broader processes are involved. Latin American women`s activism and alliances have been critical in ensuring the expansion of women`s rights and increasing the number of women elected. Quotas, and the debate surrounding their adoption, have provided an incentive for women`s collective action and fostered the politicization of gender issues. An analysis of the impact of quotas, therefore, must recognize these broader impacts.
Resumo:
A presente dissertação pretendeu observar a presença de candidatos da Igreja Evangélica Assembleia de Deus no Estado do Espírito Santo no âmbito de sua representação parlamentar no legislativo estadual nas eleições de 2002, 2006 e 2010. Observou-se a relação entre religião e política ressaltando-se a expansão evangélica pentecostal, especificamente o caso da Assembleia de Deus. O estudo parte da ideia de que a escolha de líderes dentro das estruturas institucionais religiosas também pode influenciar escolhas no âmbito da estrutura social como, por exemplo, a escolha de lideranças políticas.
Resumo:
Esta pesquisa é um estudo sobre o processo legislativo e a produção de leis na ALES, durante a 16ª Legislatura. O escopo do estudo foi o de analisar o impacto das regras, contidas no regimento interno e na Constituição estadual, na produção de leis entre 2007 e 2010. O pressuposto geral da abordagem advém do Novo Intitucionalismo como movimento teórico da Ciência Política contemporânea, que nos permite inferir que as regras institucionais, para além de serem simples regras de organização das Casas Legislativas, influenciam no processo decisório e, consequentemente, na produção de leis. Importando as análises dos modelos distributivo, informacional e partidário de organização dos Legislativos, a pesquisa permitiu concluir que, a ALES, de 2007 a 2010, manteve seus trabalhos alinhados à versão distributiva. O parlamentar capixaba atuou, individualmente, a fim de manter suas bases eleitorais. Com relação à atuação do sistema comissional, foi identificada a inaptidão das comissões da ALES para influenciar o processo decisório. As comissões permanentes não possuem capacidade de moldar os projetos que por elas tramitam. O regime de tramitação influencia diretamente a produção de leis da ALES, notadamente, nas leis de autoria do Executivo, já que estas, tramitaram, quase que na totalidade, em regime de urgência. No que tange aos partidos, a fragmentação partidária identificada na ALES acaba por refletir nos dados obtidos sobre a produção de leis, na medida em que não existe uma verdadeira articulação em torno dos partidos como atores determinantes no processo legislativo da ALES. Enfim, em apertada síntese, foi possível constatar a imposição da agenda de trabalhos pelo Executivo. Os projetos aprovados, de temas importantes e abrangência estadual, foram, em sua maioria, propostos pelo Executivo; a urgência impacta frontalmente os projetos do Executivo, que são aprovadas em pequeno espaço de tempo; as comissões não possuem poder mínimo de influência nos projetos de autoria do Executivo; e os partidos, altamente fragmentados, não constituem instância com capacidade de articulação.
Resumo:
Abstract: in Portugal, and in much of the legal systems of Europe, «legal persons» are likely to be criminally responsibilities also for cybercrimes. Like for example the following crimes: «false information»; «damage on other programs or computer data»; «computer-software sabotage»; «illegitimate access»; «unlawful interception» and «illegitimate reproduction of protected program». However, in Portugal, have many exceptions. Exceptions to the «question of criminal liability» of «legal persons». Some «legal persons» can not be blamed for cybercrime. The legislature did not leave! These «legal persons» are v.g. the following («public entities»): legal persons under public law, which include the public business entities; entities utilities, regardless of ownership; or other legal persons exercising public powers. In other words, and again as an example, a Portuguese public university or a private concessionaire of a public service in Portugal, can not commit (in Portugal) any one of cybercrime pointed. Fair? Unfair. All laws should provide that all legal persons can commit cybercrimes. PS: resumo do artigo em inglês.
Resumo:
Recordar é viver. O famoso caso de corrupção internacional ligado à compra e venda de submarinos pelo Estado português – e que ainda não está resolvido na sua totalidade, nomeadamente por cá – constitui um facto repugnante da história contemporânea da anti-corrupção, e da ética, também lusa que envergonha em profundidade Portugal a nível nacional, mas sobretudo internacional. E envergonha, quer o poder legislativo, quer o poder judicial, quer o poder executivo. Em Portugal, mas também na Alemanha, pois nem toda a informação criminal chegou às autoridades portuguesas como foi noticiado pelos próprios procuradores. § Remember is living. The famous case of international corruption linked to the purchase and sale of submarines by the Portuguese State - and that is still not resolved in its entirety, especially around here - is a disgusting fact of contemporary history of anti-corruption and ethics, also Portuguese who shames Portugal in depth at national level, but above all international. And shame either the legislature or the judiciary or the executive. In Portugal, but also in Germany, as not all criminal information came from the Portuguese authorities was as reported by their own attorneys.
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This paper summarises the results of the first systematic, detailed prosopographic study of the MPs – the deputados of the Lower Chamber - of the First Portuguese Republic (1910-1926). Data are presented both by legislature and for the overall period. Two kinds of background variables are explored: sociodemographic (birthplace, age, education and profession) and political (previous experience in other elite positions). Regime change in 1910 resulted in the replacement of the former political elite by homines novi. Most MPs of the Republican regime were born in small towns and communities, had carried out higher educational studies (with prevalence for law training), were mainly drawn from the professions (practising lawyers and doctors) and the Army, and were elected for the first-time at relatively young ages. Parliamentary turnover was high (two-thirds of the representatives held just one mandate) and a large proportion of MPs had a consistent connection (birth, family ties, occupation) to the constituencies to which they had been elected.
Resumo:
In this paper, we revisit the classical trade-off between centralized and decentralized provision of local public goods, in a setting where interregional spillovers depend on the level of a national public good. We compare the standard benevolent planner approach with a political economy in which decisions, in a centralized system, are undertaken by a non-cooperative legislature with no separation of powers. We observe that the policy-maker in a centralized system is able to play both with local public goods and spillovers, a mechanism that is not available under a decentralized system. When compared to the traditional exogenous spillovers assumption, this improves the case for centralization under the standard benevolent planner approach. However, the same is not necessarily true in the non-cooperative legislature, as in this case the interests of the legislator do not need to be aligned with those of the society. Finally, we extend the traditional political economy analysis by considering a legislature in which decisions are undertaken by different committees (separation of powers), and show that it performs better than the original non-cooperative legislature, greatly improving the case for centralization.
Resumo:
Pygmy Shrews in North America have variously been considered to be one species (Sorex hoyi) or two species (S. hoyi and S. thompsoni). Currently, only S. hoyi is recognized. In this study, we examine mitochondrial DNA sequence data for the cytochrome b gene to evaluate the level of differentiation and phylogeographic relationships among eleven samples of Pygmy Shrews from across Canada. Pygmy Shrews from eastern Canada (i.e., Ontario, Quebec, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island) are distinct from Pygmy Shrews from western Canada (Alberta, Yukon) and Alaska. The average level of sequence divergence between these clades (3.3%) falls within the range of values for other recognized pairs of sister species of shrews. A molecular clock based on third position transversion substitutions suggests that these two lineages diverged between 0.44 and 1.67 million years ago. These molecular phylogenetic data. combined with a reinterpretation of previously published morphological data, are suggestive of separate species status for S. hoyi and S. thompsoni as has been previously argued by others. Further analysis of specimens from geographically intermediate areas (e.g., Manitoba. northern Ontario) is required to determine if there is secondary contact and/or introgression between these two putative species.
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This paper analyzes the problem that an incumbent faces during the legislature when deciding how to react to popular initiatives or policy proposals coming from different sources. We argue that this potential source of electoral disadvantage that the incumbent obtains after being elected can jeopardize the reelection possibilities of the incumbent. We analyze the decision of the incumbent when facing reelection and we characterize the conditions under which the advantages that the incumbent obtains can overcome the disadvantages. Finally, we use the results of this analysis to discuss some implications of the use of mechanisms of direct democracy like referenda and popular assemblies on electoral competition.
Resumo:
This paper analyzes the problem that an incumbent faces during the legislature when deciding how to react to popular initiatives or policy proposals coming from different sources. We argue that this potential source of electoral disadvantage that the incumbent obtains after being elected can jeopardize the reelection possibilities of the incumbent. We analyze the decision of the incumbent when facing reelection and we characterize the conditions under which the advantages that the incumbent obtains can overcome the disadvantages. Finally, we use the results of this analysis to discuss some implications of the use of mechanisms of direct democracy like referenda and popular assemblies on electoral competition.