Where Empires Meet: Orientalism and Marginality at the Former Russo-British Frontier

This article explores the intersection of orientalism and marginality in two regions at the former Russo-British frontier between Central and South Asia. Focussing on Tajikistan’s Gorno-Badakhshan and Gilgit-Baltistan in today’s Pakistan, an analysis of historical and contemporary orientalist projections on and in the two border regions reveals changing modes of domination through the course of the twentieth century (British, Kashmiri, Pakistani and Russian, Soviet, Tajik). In this regard, different local experiences of “ colonial ” rule, both in Gorno-Badakhshan and Gilgit-Baltistan, challenge “ classical ” periodisations of colonial/postcolonial and colonial/socialist/postsocialist. This article furthermore maintains that processes of marginalisation in both regions can be interpreted as effects of imperial and Cold War contexts that have led to the establishment of the frontier. Thus, a central argument is that neither the status of the frontier between Central and South Asia as a stable entity, nor the periodisations that have conventionally been ascribed to the two regions as linear timelines can be taken for granted.

Insights to Indigenous Media and collaborative Video Work

Indigenous media as a phenomenon cannot be reduced to a reaction to western hegemony and colonial legacies, but is often rooted in the context of resistance, empowerment, self-determination and the reclaiming of symbolic representation. Therefore I would like to reflect on different cases of indigenous film and participatory video work in an attempt to highlight the multiple dynamics that arise due to the desideratum of self-representation and to finally locate us as anthropologists in that context.

Fortines y pueblos en Buenos Aires colonial borbónico. Entre las políticas de gobierno y los intereses de los pobladores

Aunque el desarrollo urbano en América no fue privativo de la colonización europea, la fundación de pueblos y ciudades constituyó una política específica de conquista y dominación colonial. Durante la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII y bajo el gobierno de los Borbones, las políticas establecidas parecieron acompañar el aumento y crecimiento de las ciudades y los pueblos en Hispanoamérica, e incentivar la urbanización de las zonas de frontera de su Imperio. Dos interrogantes articulan este trabajo. ¿Pueden ubicarse las propuestas formuladas por las autoridades coloniales para Buenos Aires dentro de la política de urbanización propuesta por los Borbones para zonas de frontera en Hispanoamérica? Si esto fue así, ¿qué nivel de concreción ha tenido dicha política durante las últimas décadas de vínculo colonial? Se estudiará el establecimiento de pueblos para el caso de Buenos Aires durante las últimas décadas del siglo XVIII.

Fortines y pueblos en Buenos Aires colonial borbónico. Entre las políticas de gobierno y los intereses de los pobladores

Aunque el desarrollo urbano en América no fue privativo de la colonización europea, la fundación de pueblos y ciudades constituyó una política específica de conquista y dominación colonial. Durante la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII y bajo el gobierno de los Borbones, las políticas establecidas parecieron acompañar el aumento y crecimiento de las ciudades y los pueblos en Hispanoamérica, e incentivar la urbanización de las zonas de frontera de su Imperio. Dos interrogantes articulan este trabajo. ¿Pueden ubicarse las propuestas formuladas por las autoridades coloniales para Buenos Aires dentro de la política de urbanización propuesta por los Borbones para zonas de frontera en Hispanoamérica? Si esto fue así, ¿qué nivel de concreción ha tenido dicha política durante las últimas décadas de vínculo colonial? Se estudiará el establecimiento de pueblos para el caso de Buenos Aires durante las últimas décadas del siglo XVIII.

Fortines y pueblos en Buenos Aires colonial borbónico. Entre las políticas de gobierno y los intereses de los pobladores

Aunque el desarrollo urbano en América no fue privativo de la colonización europea, la fundación de pueblos y ciudades constituyó una política específica de conquista y dominación colonial. Durante la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII y bajo el gobierno de los Borbones, las políticas establecidas parecieron acompañar el aumento y crecimiento de las ciudades y los pueblos en Hispanoamérica, e incentivar la urbanización de las zonas de frontera de su Imperio. Dos interrogantes articulan este trabajo. ¿Pueden ubicarse las propuestas formuladas por las autoridades coloniales para Buenos Aires dentro de la política de urbanización propuesta por los Borbones para zonas de frontera en Hispanoamérica? Si esto fue así, ¿qué nivel de concreción ha tenido dicha política durante las últimas décadas de vínculo colonial? Se estudiará el establecimiento de pueblos para el caso de Buenos Aires durante las últimas décadas del siglo XVIII.

Global distributions of Phaeocystis sp. abundance and biomass - Gridded data product (NetCDF) - Contribution to the MAREDAT World Ocean Atlas of Plankton Functional Types

The planktonic haptophyte Phaeocystis has been suggested to play a fundamental role in the global biogeochemical cycling of carbon and sulphur, but little is known about its global biomass distribution. We have collected global microscopy data of the genus Phaeocystis and converted abundance data to carbon biomass using species-specific carbon conversion factors. Microscopic counts of single-celled and colonial Phaeocystis were obtained both through the mining of online databases and by accepting direct submissions (both published and unpublished) from Phaeocystis specialists. We recorded abundance data from a total of 1595 depth-resolved stations sampled between 1955-2009. The quality-controlled dataset includes 5057 counts of individual Phaeocystis cells resolved to species level and information regarding life-stages from 3526 samples. 83% of stations were located in the Northern Hemisphere while 17% were located in the Southern Hemisphere. Most data were located in the latitude range of 50-70° N. While the seasonal distribution of Northern Hemisphere data was well-balanced, Southern Hemisphere data was biased towards summer months. Mean species- and form-specific cell diameters were determined from previously published studies. Cell diameters were used to calculate the cellular biovolume of Phaeocystis cells, assuming spherical geometry. Cell biomass was calculated using a carbon conversion factor for Prymnesiophytes (Menden-Deuer and Lessard, 2000). For colonies, the number of cells per colony was derived from the colony volume. Cell numbers were then converted to carbon concentrations. An estimation of colonial mucus carbon was included a posteriori, assuming a mean colony size for each species. Carbon content per cell ranged from 9 pg (single-celled Phaeocystis antarctica) to 29 pg (colonial Phaeocystis globosa). Non-zero Phaeocystis cell biomasses (without mucus carbon) range from 2.9 - 10?5 µg l-1 to 5.4 - 103 µg l-1, with a mean of 45.7 µg l-1 and a median of 3.0 µg l-1. Highest biomasses occur in the Southern Ocean below 70° S (up to 783.9 µg l-1), and in the North Atlantic around 50° N (up to 5.4 - 103 µg l-1).

Exploring intra-commonwealth goods and services trade

A background paper for the Commonwealth Secretariat by Anirudh Shingal and Mohammad Razzaque: Existing work examining the trade effect of commonwealth membership does not account for sample selection, unobserved heterogeneity and multilateral resistance in estimation, leading to biased estimates. Our analyses improve on all these fronts. Unlike earlier work, we also consider services trade and assemble a much larger sample of trading partners (242 x 242, over 1995-2010). Commonwealth membership is found to increase goods exports by 18.5-33.2% and services exports by 42.8% in our results, ceteris paribus and on average. Our analyses on the determinants of intra-commonwealth trade suggest the positive role of common language (only for goods trade) and colonial relationships as well as the negative impact of geography, thereby confirming that commonwealth member states are not natural trading partners for each other. Finally, being one of Australia, Canada or the UK is associated with 98.2% greater merchandise trade than the commonwealth average; however, a similar effect is not observed for services trade.

Castles in the sand: Mali and the demise of the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy. CEPS Commentary, 28 January 2013

The threat posed by the crisis in Mali is direct, multidimensional and without regard to geographical proximity or historical and colonial heritage, writes Giovanni Faleg. France’s solitary intervention in Mali and the EU’s absence there raise two important questions for the future of the EU’s supposedly ‘Common’ Security and Defence Policy. The first has to do with the crisis itself; its nature and the threat posed by the terrorist groups and militias that are being countered by French armed forces. The second concerns the causes and implications of yet another example of the EU’s inability to take responsibility for security matters in its neighbourhood and beyond.

Practical dispensing for students, pharmaceutical and medical.

Includes index.

Titles and documents relative to the seigniorial tenure, required by an address of the Legislative Assembly, 1851.

Another compilation with similar title was also published in 1852. The contents of the two volumes are different.

A letter to the Right Honorable Sir Robert Peel, bart. etc., on the condition of England, and on the means of removing the causes of distress.

Added title page: The budget. A series of letters on financial, commercial, and colonial policy. By a member of the Political Economy club. No. IX.

Vital Subjects: Race and Biopolitics in Italy, (1860-1920) /

Vital Subjects: Race and Biopolitics in Italy is an interdisciplinary study of how racial and colonial discourses shaped the “making” of Italians as modern political subjects in the years between its administrative unification (1861-1870) and the end of the First World War (1919)

Re -"interpreting" the conquest: European and Amerindian translators and go -betweens in the colonization of the Americas, 1492--1675

This dissertation aims to recover the lives and careers of those Amerindians and Europeans who voluntarily or involuntarily took on the role of intercultural interpreters in the contact, conquest, and early colonial period in the Americas between 1492 and 1675. It intends to prove that these so-called “marginal” figures assumed roles that went far beyond those of linguistic and cultural translators, and often had a decisive impact on early Indian-colonial relations. ^ In the course of my research, I consulted hundreds of published sixteenth- and seventeenth-century chronicles, narratives, and memoirs in my search for references to interpreters. I augmented these accounts with information derived from unpublished archival documents, drawn primarily from the Archivo General de Indias, in Seville, Spain. ^ I organized my findings in theme-driven chapters that begin with a consideration of the historiography of that subject. Each chapter is further subdivided into chronologically-arranged historical vignettes that focus on the interpreters who mediated between the Spanish, Portuguese, French, English and Dutch and the various Native American polities and cultures. ^ I found that colonial authorities and Amerindian communities alike recognized the absolute necessity of recruiting competent and loyal interpreters and go-betweens, and that both sides tried to secure their loyal service by means both fair and foul. Although pressured, pushed, and pulled in contrary directions, most interpreters recognized the pivotal position they held in cross-cultural negotiations and rarely remained passive pawns in the contests between the forces of domination and defense. ^ All across the Americas, interpreters used their linguistic and diplomatic skills, and their intimate knowledge of the “other” not simply to facilitate conquest or spearhead the opposition, but to transform themselves from “culture brokers” into “power brokers.” Many of the decisive events that shaped colonial-Indian relations turned on the actions of these culturally-ambiguous individuals, a fact bemoaned and begrudgingly acknowledged by most of the contemporary conquistadors, chroniclers, and colonial founders, and recognized by this author. ^