A paradoxical presidency: Nicolas Sarkozy, 2007-2012

The Sarkozy presidency is shot through with paradox and contrast: between a well-elected president swiftly loathed by most voters; a ‘hyper-president’ who probably weakened the office; a talented party leader who lost effective control of his party; a right-wing president who was readily compared to Tony Blair; and an ambitious reformer who promised a clean break with the indecision of his two predecessors but whose record was more timid than his rhetoric. This article interprets Sarkozy’s record in the context of the presidential office, the specific circumstances of his presidency, and of the president’s own personality, skills and shortcomings.

Essays on labour market dualisation in Western Europe: active labour market policies, temporary work regulation and inequality

European labour markets are increasingly divided between insiders in full-time permanent employment and outsiders in precarious work or unemployment. Using quantitative as well as qualitative methods, this thesis investigates the determinants and consequences of labour market policies that target these outsiders in three separate papers. The first paper looks at Active Labour Market Policies (ALMPs) that target the unemployed. It shows that left and right-wing parties choose different types of ALMPs depending on the policy and the welfare regime in which the party is located. These findings reconcile the conflicting theoretical expectations from the Power Resource approach and the insider-outsider theory. The second paper considers the regulation and protection of the temporary work sector. It solves the puzzle of temporary re-regulation in France, which contrasts with most other European countries that have deregulated temporary work. Permanent workers are adversely affected by the expansion of temporary work in France because of general skills and low wage coordination. The interests of temporary and permanent workers for re-regulation therefore overlap in France and left governments have an incentive to re-regulate the sector. The third paper then investigates what determines inequality between median and bottom income workers. It shows that non-inclusive economic coordination increases inequality in the absence of compensating institutions such as minimum wage regulation. The deregulation of temporary work as well as spending on employment incentives and rehabilitation also has adverse effects on inequality. Thus, policies that target outsiders have important economic effects on the rest of the workforce. Three broader contributions can be identified. First, welfare state policies may not always be in the interests of labour, so left parties may not always promote them. Second, the interests of insiders and outsiders are not necessarily at odds. Third, economic coordination may not be conducive to egalitarianism where it is not inclusive.

Can retired galaxies mimic active galaxies? Clues from the Sloan Digital Sky Survey

The classification of galaxies as star forming or active is generally done in the ([O III]/H beta, [N II]/H alpha) plane. The Sloan Digital Sky Survey (SDSS) has revealed that, in this plane, the distribution of galaxies looks like the two wings of a seagull. Galaxies in the right wing are referred to as Seyfert/LINERs, leading to the idea that non-stellar activity in galaxies is a very common phenomenon. Here, we argue that a large fraction of the systems in the right wing could actually be galaxies which stopped forming stars. The ionization in these `retired` galaxies would be produced by hot post-asymptotic giant branch stars and white dwarfs. Our argumentation is based on a stellar population analysis of the galaxies via our STARLIGHT code and on photoionization models using the Lyman continuum radiation predicted for this population. The proportion of LINER galaxies that can be explained in such a way is, however, uncertain. We further show how observational selection effects account for the shape of the right wing. Our study suggests that nuclear activity may not be as common as thought. If retired galaxies do explain a large part of the seagull`s right wing, some of the work concerning nuclear activity in galaxies, as inferred from SDSS data, will have to be revised.

Alternative diagnostic diagrams and the `forgotten` population of weak line galaxies in the SDSS

A numerous population of weak line galaxies (WLGs) is often left out of statistical studies on emission-line galaxies (ELGs) due to the absence of an adequate classification scheme, since classical diagnostic diagrams, such as [O iii]/H beta versus [N ii]/H alpha (the BPT diagram), require the measurement of at least four emission lines. This paper aims to remedy this situation by transposing the usual divisory lines between star-forming (SF) galaxies and active galactic nuclei (AGN) hosts and between Seyferts and LINERs to diagrams that are more economical in terms of line quality requirements. By doing this, we rescue from the classification limbo a substantial number of sources and modify the global census of ELGs. More specifically, (1) we use the Sloan Digital Sky Survey Data Release 7 to constitute a suitable sample of 280 000 ELGs, one-third of which are WLGs. (2) Galaxies with strong emission lines are classified using the widely applied criteria of Kewley et al., Kauffmann et al. and Stasinska et al. to distinguish SF galaxies and AGN hosts and Kewley et al. to distinguish Seyferts from LINERs. (3) We transpose these classification schemes to alternative diagrams keeping [N ii]/H alpha as a horizontal axis, but replacing H beta by a stronger line (H alpha or [O ii]), or substituting the ionization-level sensitive [O iii]/H beta ratio with the equivalent width of H alpha (W(H alpha)). Optimized equations for the transposed divisory lines are provided. (4) We show that nothing significant is lost in the translation, but that the new diagrams allow one to classify up to 50 per cent more ELGs. (5) Introducing WLGs in the census of galaxies in the local Universe increases the proportion of metal-rich SF galaxies and especially LINERs. In the course of this analysis, we were led to make the following points. (i) The Kewley et al. BPT line for galaxy classification is generally ill-used. (ii) Replacing [O iii]/H beta by W(H alpha) in the classification introduces a change in the philosophy of the distinction between LINERs and Seyferts, but not in its results. Because the W(H alpha) versus [N ii]/H alpha diagram can be applied to the largest sample of ELGs without loss of discriminating power between Seyferts and LINERs, we recommend its use in further studies. (iii) The dichotomy between Seyferts and LINERs is washed out by WLGs in the BPT plane, but it subsists in other diagnostic diagrams. This suggests that the right wing in the BPT diagram is indeed populated by at least two classes, tentatively identified with bona fide AGN and `retired` galaxies that have stopped forming stars and are ionized by their old stellar populations.

Fördomar och urvalsprocessen till polisutbildningen

Över 6000 personer söker till de 900 lediga studieplatserna vid polishögskolan vid varje ansökningstillfälle. Urvalet för att tillsätta dessa platser är således stort. Kritik har dock riktats mot polisens urvalsprocess som har utpekats för inte tillräckligt kunna identifiera och gallra ut olämpliga individer med låg och bristfällig respekt och inställning till andra människor och olikheter. Syftet med föreliggande studie var att undersöka skillnader i fördomar mellan två grupper; sökande till, och studerande vid polishögskolan (N=84) och jämföra dessa med en ickepolisiär kontrollgrupp. Fördomarna mättes med tre moderna fördomsfullhetsskalor; rasism, sexism och fördomar mot homosexuella. Studien undersökte även undersökningsdeltagarnas personlighetstyper med Big-Five Inventory (BFI), Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) och Social Dominance Orientation (SDO). Inga skillnader mellan grupperna i fördomsfullhet hittades, dock visade sig kombinationen av BFI, RWA och SDO vara bra på att predicera fördomsfullhet. Resultaten diskuterades och polisutbildningens urvalsprocess uppmanas reflektera över införande av motsvarande personlighetstest.

Ett litet ord betyder så mycket : Alliansregeringen, Handlingsplanen och betydelseförskjutningarav begreppet mäns våld mot kvinnor

A little word may mean so much: Changed meanings of the concept men’s violence against women This article concerns the process of policymaking in the Swedish political system with a focus on the concept of men’s violence against women. The material analyzed is based on interviews with key civil servants and the Minister of Equality responsible for the ”Action Plan for Combating Men’s Violence Against Women” launched by the right wing government in 2007. The article shows how a shift in the concept of men’s violence against women is achieved through complex negotiations involving the administration staff as well as the political representatives.The outcome is a change from an understanding of the issue as a structural gender power relation problem, to explaining it as related to individual deviations. This change has been made by re-wording and editing out earlier understandings of men’s violence against women as a structural gender power concern in policies and guidelines, so that the concept is framed as something pertaining to groups of vulnerable women with specific individual obstacles. The political goals are then expressed along the lines of providing support for each group’s designated problems, but the connection to gendered power structures is made invisible.

A grande Argentina: um sonho nacionalista para a construção de uma potência na América Latina

Visa-se analisar a proposta de transformação da Argentina em uma potência econômica e militar hegemônica na América do Sul, levada a cabo por correntes de extrema-direita desse país, entre as duas Guerras Mundiais. Discutem-se os objetivos, conteúdos e fundamentação dessa proposta no contexto do cenário internacional e da conjuntura política argentina.

Juventude sobre pressão: um fórum alemão e uma obra de Octávio Ianni

In the 20th century, youth has become a western myth rather than an important social category in the projection of future societies. The Right-wing was ahead of left-wing movements supporting national political projects. The crisis in the Welfare state and socialism system disoriented the right and left-wing movements. The myth of youth as reference for the progressive development of history was destroyed. Youth movements, consolidated in some student movements and supported by some religious organizations took over this reference position. However, these new youth movements are rarely engaged in political or environmentalist projects. The violence that originates from disturbing practices of social reproduction puts youth under pressure.

The education of the body for an "integral soldier", "physically strong, intelligent and soul superior"

This study examines the paramilitary training carried out by the Integralist Militia (Militia Integralista), unit of the Brazilian Integralist Action (Acao Integralista Brasileira, AIB) of the extreme right wing political party in Brazil in the 1930s. The training was aimed to create the "integral soldier", a "physically strong, intelligent and soul superior" one. The study analyzes issues of the newspaper "Monitor Integralista", a prescriptive and dogmatic journal of the movement, found in the Public and History Archives of the city of Rio Claro, State of Sao Paulo, and in the "A Offensiva" newspaper, microfilmed an archived at the National Library of Rio de Janeiro. It concludes that Plinio Salgado's goal, the National Head of the AIB, was to train, by using verbal persuasion, speeches, word of mouth and by vote, by force and physical combat, the integralists to defend the causes of the movement.

HOLISTIC WOMEN: "GREEN BLOUSE" NURSES TO THE SERVICE OF THE NATION

This study aims to investigate the role assigned to the holistic nurse and the education she receives to perform her role with maximum efficiency within the Brazilian Holistic Action (Acao Integralista Brasileira), a right-wing political party that emerged in Brazil in the 1930s. It uses holistic newspapers, the "Holistic Encyclopedia" collection, and records about the Holistic School of Nursing which compose the criminal collection by the Political Police, organized by the Special Police of Political and Social Safety as source material. As a result, the study presents a significant investment of holistic thinking in formally educating nurses, women who took the opportunity of the moment to expand their social arenas. It concludes that, although holistic thinking strengthened social roles described as female, the women's relationship with the movement was innovative because it enabled new practices and representations that they also started to develop in the public sphere, for example, working as nurses.

Labour, LGBT* rights, and Europe. Discourses in Italy and Serbia

At the time of writing, all three elements that are evoked in the title – emancipation and social inclusion of sexual minorities, labour and labour activism, and the idea and substance of “Europe” – are being invested by deep, long-term, and – to varied degrees – radical processes of social transformation. The meaning of words like “equality”, “rights”, “inclusion”, and even “democracy” is as precarious and uncertain as are the lives of those European citizens who are marginalised by intersecting conditions of gender, sexuality, ethnicity, and class – in a constellation of precarities that is both unifying and fragmented (fragmenting). Conflicts are played, in hidden or explicit ways, over material processes of redistribution as well as discursive practices that revolve around these words. Against this backdrop, and roughly ten years after the European Union provided an input for institutional commitment to the protection of LGBT* workers' rights with the Council Directive 2000/78/EC, the dissertation contrasts discourses on workplace equality for LGBT* persons produced by a plurality of actors, seeking to identify values, semantics, and agendas framing and informing organisations’ views and showing how each actor has incorporated LGBT* rights into its own discourse, each time in a way that is functional to the construction and/or confirmation of its organisational identity: transnational union networks, by presenting LGBT* rights as a natural, neutral commitment within the framework of universal human rights protection; left-wing organisations, by collocating activism for LGBT* rights within a wider project of social emancipation that is for all the marginalised, yet is not neutral, but attached to specific values and opposed to specific political adversaries (the right-wing, the nationalists); business networks, by acknowledging diversity as a path to better performance and profits, thus encouraging inclusion and non-discrimination of “deserving” LGBT* workers.

The language of others mirrored in thy face: The role of political affiliation in automatic facial effects of language

People tend to automatically mimic facial expressions of others. If clear evidence exists on the effect of non-verbal behavior (emotion faces) on automatic facial mimicry, little is known about the role of verbal behavior (emotion language) in triggering such effects. Whereas it is well-established that political affiliation modulates facial mimicry, no evidence exists on whether this modulation passes also through verbal means. This research addressed the role of verbal behavior in triggering automatic facial effects depending on whether verbal stimuli are attributed to leaders of different political parties. Study 1 investigated the role of interpersonal verbs, referring to positive and negative emotion expressions and encoding them at different levels of abstraction, in triggering corresponding facial muscle activation in a reader. Study 2 examined the role of verbs expressing positive and negative emotional behaviors of political leaders in modulating automatic facial effects depending on the matched or mismatched political affiliation of participants and politicians of left-and right-wing. Study 3 examined whether verbs expressing happiness displays of ingroup politicians induce a more sincere smile (Duchenne) pattern among readers of same political affiliation relative to happiness expressions of outgroup politicians. Results showed that verbs encoding facial actions at different levels of abstraction elicited differential facial muscle activity (Study 1). Furthermore, political affiliation significantly modulated facial activation triggered by emotion verbs as participants showed more congruent and enhanced facial activity towards ingroup politicians’ smiles and frowns compared to those of outgroup politicians (Study 2). Participants facially responded with a more sincere smile pattern towards verbs expressing smiles of ingroup compared to outgroup politicians (Study 3). Altogether, results showed that the role of political affiliation in modulating automatic facial effects passes also through verbal channels and is revealed at a fine-grained level by inducing quantitative and qualitative differences in automatic facial reactions of readers.

MoVimento 5 Stelle - Fortführung des italienischen Rechtspopulismus?

In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird analysiert, ob die neue italienische Partei MoVimento 5 Stelle (M5S) eine rechtspopulistische Partei ist. Darüber hinaus wird mithilfe eines Vergleichs mit Berlusconis Partei Popolo della libertà (PDL) erörtert, ob das M5S den italienischen Rechtspopulismus fortführt. Das M5S wurde im Jahre 2009 von dem italienischen Komiker Beppe Grillo gegründet und zog nach seiner ersten Teilnahme an nationalen Wahlen im Jahre 2013 als zweitstärkste Partei in das italienische Parlament ein. Mit seiner Anti-Establishment-Programmatik und der Ablehnung der etablierten Parteien ähnelt das M5S nicht nur Berlusconis Partei PDL, sondern auch den rechtspopulistischen Parteien, die seit den 1980er Jahren in Westeuropa beständig an Relevanz gewonnen haben. Diese Parteien polemisieren gegen Politiker und Parteien, stellen die Legitimität von Minderheitenrechten und die Prinzipien der repräsentativen Demokratie in Frage. Organisatorisch gruppieren sie sich um einen charismatischen Anführer, dessen Anspruch es ist, die ‚Stimme des Volkes‘ zu repräsentieren. Diese und andere zentrale Charakteristika sind Gegenstand des theoretischen Teils dieser Arbeit. Die Analysedimension sind ‚Programmatik‘ und ‚Organisation‘. Die letztgenannte Kategorie wird in ‚interne Organisationsstruktur‘ und ‚Kommunikation‘ unterteilt. Die Basis der Analyse bilden Parteidokumente (Wahl- und Parteiprogramme, Parteistatuten, Blogeinträge), Experteneinschätzungen und die Forschungsliteratur. Die Untersuchung kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass es sich beim M5S nicht um eine rechtspopulistische, sondern um eine populistische Partei mit linken Elementen handelt. Den italienischen Rechtspopulismus, wie ihn Berlusconis Partei pflegt, führt sie folglich nicht fort. Sie zeigt in der Organisation starke Parallelen, da beide Parteien von ihren Anführern dominiert werden. Aber das M5S hat eine stark web-basierte Organisationsform und vertritt Umweltthemen, was keine typischen Merkmale rechtspopulistischer Parteien sind. Darüber hinaus vertritt es keine nationalistischen Position, was hingegen konstitutiv für Rechtspopulismus ist.

Personality and Current Political Beliefs | Comparative Study of Polish and Belgian Samples)"

This project had a threefold aim and sought to provide answers to several different questions. Kossowska first focused on the relationship between Openness to Experience and ideological variables such as authoritarianism and conservatism. The main questions here were (1) whether there are differences between the Polish and Belgian samples studied with respect to the relationship between political ideology and Openness to Experience, and (2) whether this relationship applies to all facets of Openness to Experience. The study showed significant negative correlations between Openness and right-wing ideology in both adult samples, and that Fantasy and Actions were the most robust correlates of political ideology. A second problem examined concerned the relationship between ideology and cognitive functioning. The important questions here were about the conceptualisation and measurement of cognitive variables such as rigidity, intolerance of ambiguity, or the need for closure, which determine individuals' attitudes to politics. The results confirmed the significance of the need for closure construct in both samples for understanding the process of formulating and holding political beliefs. The last aspect of the study was the differences in political beliefs between the Polish and Belgian samples in relation to the social, political and economic situation in the two countries. The most important question here was the changes in the political mentality of Poles during the period of system transition. Kossowska expected to find differences between Poles and Belgians with respect to the level of conservatism and authoritarianism, but in fact both samples showed comparable levels of right-wing political beliefs.

Comments on Kevin Stenson’s ‘Governing the Local: Sovereignty, Social Governance and Community Safety’

It is a challenging time to be a social scientist. Many of the concepts and categories we took for granted have been revealed as temporally and geographically specific. It is now widely accepted that the nation-state is no longer the sole container for economic, political and social processes, if indeed it ever was. This is where Kevin Stenson begins his paper. He traces the re-ordering of both state and nation, highlighting recent discussions about the unbundling and rescaling of the state and outlining how increasing ethnic and cultural diversity challenge homogeneous conceptions of the nation. In Stenson’s account these are largely empirical processes that are the basis for the important questions he raises about changing understandings of publics and social order, and their implications for the local governance of community safety. He contrasts two alternative positions; the ‘universal human rights position’ which refuses to privilege the interests of majority populations, and a more ‘communitarian and nationalistic position’ which he argues is most likely to be deployed by right wing politicians and interests groups. Drawing from extensive research in the Thames Valley region of the United Kingdom, he shows how these two understandings have both shaped the local policy response to crime and disorder.