Historia del movimiento republicano en Europa,

Imprint covered by label of C. Bailly-Bailliere, Madrid.

Ce que mes yeux ont v,

La chute de l'empire.--Les premières faillites de la république.--Le boulangisme.--L'antisémitisme.--Le dreyfusisme.--Paris autrefois et aujourd'hui.--Sa majesté l'argent.--Son altesse la presse.--Conclusion.

Histoire politique de la révolution française; origines et développement de la démocratie et de la république (1789-1804)

Mode of access: Internet.

De la constitution propre aux Cisalpins, ou Lettres de Pierre Gruet ... à son ami Picolozero.

Includes bibliographical references.

The French Revolution : a political history, 1789-1804 /

Translation of: Histoire politique de la révolution française.

Porcupine's works : containing various writings and selections, exhibiting a faithful picture of the United States of America; of their governments, laws, politics and resources; of the characters of their presidents, governors, legislators, magistrates, and military men; and of the customs, manners, morals, religion, virtues and vices of the people : comprising also a complete series of historical documents and remarks, from the end of the war, in 1783, to the election of the President, in March, 1801 /

continued: ... XII. Historical documents and remarks (from December, 1799 to March, 1801) ; Trial of Cooper ; Emigration Society ; Washington's death ; Proceedings in Congress during the session which began December, 1799 ; Board of Commissioners ; Defence of the Quakers of Pennsylvania ; Farewell advertisement ; Prison eclogue ; Republican morality ; Jefferson's election ; Adam's public conduct ; Jefferson's character ; Convention concluded between America and France, in 1800 ; Proceedings in Congress during the session which ended in March, 1801 ; Index.

Entre Viena y Tucumán : Las paradojas de la emancipación Argentina 1814-1820

Este artículo se centra en las paradojas del proceso de independencia argentina. Cuando el mencionado país decretó su separación definitiva del Imperio Español en 1816, declaró el sistema republicano de gobierno a pesar de estar gestionando al mismo tiempo la alternativa monárquica. Esto fue claramente puesto en evidencia durante las sesiones del Congreso de Tucumán, donde se declaró formalmente la independencia, cuando Manuel Belgrano presentó un proyecto de monarquía bajo el reinado de un descendiente inca. Hasta qué punto estos proyectos monárquicos se debieron al contexto europeo pos-napoleónico, y ala turbulenta situación política interna, es lo que se busca explicar en este trabajo

Staging Theater to Realize a Nation: The Development of German National Theater in the 18th Century

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-03

Representation of people of color in the nineteenth century slavery novel in Cuba and Brazil

This dissertation explores the similarities and differences which characterize the depiction of people of color in certain representative nineteenth century Cuban and Brazilian slavery novels as a function of the authorial approach of each territory's literary tradition toward the issues of slavery, racial prejudice, and people of color. The selected texts, derived from the peak periods in slavery literature of each territory, include Francisco , by Anselmo Snárez y Romero; Sab, by Gertrudis Gómez de Avellaneda; Cecilia Valdés , by Cirilo Villaverde; A escrava Isaura, by Bernardo Guimarães; O mulato, by Aluísio Azevedo; and Bom-Crioulo, by Adolfo Caminha. While the present study explores the enslavement, abuse, and discrimination of people of color as a consequence of a deep-seated discourse of power, privilege and racial superiority, it focuses more extensively on the representation of people of color, particularly in their capacity to constructively appropriate the cultural values of the white dominant group and recognize their identity as ambiguous. ^ Said's theories of Orientalist discourse and geography and formation as well as Dube's perspective on subaltern-oriented studies provide a theoretical framework for exploring the response of slavery writers whose common exposure to slavery but dissimilar socio-political contexts generate some startling findings. Crafted within a period of political repression, fear of black revolt, factional in-fighting as well as strong socioeconomic ties to the slaveholding class, the Cuban texts generally fashioned an approach to slavery as one marked by moderation, reform, and cultural counter discourse and consequently depict people of color with a more passive but culturally authentic outlook. On the other hand, the Brazilian response to the issue of slavery, steeped in an ideological amalgam of liberalism, positivism, republicanism, and abolitionism, is characterized by overt opposition to slavery and a representation of people of color that is less concerned with cross-cultural input but reclaims their humanity as highly educable and socially mobile persons in search of greater freedoms. Ultimately, there is a shared message of higher significance couched in the worthwhile mission of raising slaves to the level of men. ^

Ink Under the Fingernails: Making Print in Nineteenth-Century Mexico City

This dissertation examines Mexico City’s material politics of print—the central actors engaged in making print, their activities and relationships, and the legal, business, and social dimensions of production—across the nineteenth century. Inside urban printshops, a socially diverse group of men ranging from manual laborers to educated editors collaborated to make the printed items that fueled political debates and partisan struggles in the new republic. By investigating how print was produced, regulated, and consumed, this dissertation argues that printers shaped some of the most pressing conflicts that marked Mexico’s first formative century: over freedom of expression, the role of religion in government, and the emergence of liberalism. Printers shaped debates not only because they issued texts that fueled elite politics but precisely because they operated at the nexus where new liberal guarantees like freedom of the press and intellectual property intersected with politics and patronage, the regulatory efforts of the emerging state, and the harsh realities of a post-colonial economy.

Historians of Mexico have typically approached print as a vehicle for texts written by elites, which they argue contributed to the development of a national public sphere or print culture in spite of low literacy levels. By shifting the focus to print’s production, my work instead reveals that a range of urban residents—from prominent printshop owners to government ministers to street vendors—produced, engaged, and deployed printed items in contests unfolding in the urban environment. As print increasingly functioned as a political weapon in the decades after independence, print production itself became an arena in struggles over the emerging contours of politics and state formation, even as printing technologies remained relatively unchanged over time.

This work examines previously unexplored archival documents, including official correspondence, legal cases, business transactions, and printshop labor records, to shed new light on Mexico City printers’ interactions with the emerging national government, and reveal the degree to which heated ideological debates emerged intertwined with the most basic concerns over the tangible practices of print. By delving into the rich social and cultural world of printing—described by intellectuals and workers alike in memoirs, fiction, caricatures and periodicals— it also considers how printers’ particular status straddling elite and working worlds led them to challenge boundaries drawn by elites that separated manual and intellectual labors. Finally, this study engages the full range of printed documents made in Mexico City printshops not just as texts but also as objects with particular visual and material qualities whose uses and meanings were shaped not only by emergent republicanism but also by powerful colonial legacies that generated ambivalent attitudes towards print’s transformative power.

The Catholic Church and revolution in Ireland

Despite the involvement of radical socialists like James Connolly and the Irish Citizen Army in the 1916 Rising and the unanimous passing of the Democratic Programme (a socialist manifesto for the new Government) by the First Dáil in 1919, the Irish state has since its inception exhibited a highly conservative approach to social and economic policy, and politics generally in Ireland, North or South, have never faced a serious challenge from those seeking radical change. Several factors have played a part in this and this article focuses on one of these - the power and conservatism of the Catholic Church and its influence in shaping the political landscape. Despite a decline in recent years, the Church remains influential north and south of the Border in education provision, the current debates in relation to abortion and in culturally important aspects of life - baptism, communion and burial. In the past the Church’s political influence among Ireland’s majority Catholic community had been even more pronounced. The article begins by looking at the Church’s attitude to revolutionary change in Ireland historically before focusing on its influence in the North during the Stormont years and during the more recent ‘Troubles’ – 1969 - 98. It shows how the Church attempted to influence political thought and discourse in Ireland when it was at the height of its power. Whilst it is true that the Church was not a monolith, and there have always been individual priests who have adopted a more radical approach, the general thrust of the Church was conservative, attempting to ally itself with the power elites of the day where possible. It is this influence which appears to have stood the test of time despite attempts in past generations to radicalise the Irish population.

Civic Humanism and the Classical Tradition in the Early Republic of Chile

The first decades of the 19th century constituted a period of profound change for Chile, the principal results of which were to be seen in the consolidation of the process of independence from Spanish dominion in 1818. The consequences were not limited to a revolution of military and political nature; they also included a renovation of the cultural panorama -at least among the educated patriots who made an effort to distance themselves ideologically from the Monarchy-, with the implicit challenge of establishing a new order for Chile, based on legitimate and universally recognizable foundations. The inspirational framework for these efforts is usually associated with other revolutionary examples -France and the United States- that preceded the emancipation processes in Spanish America, as well as with the discourses of illustrated liberalism. As we will attempt to demonstrate in this study, a new reading of the texts written by the Creoles that lead the Chilean independence process may, nonetheless, also reveal the relevance of the classical tradition as a model for the configuration and legitimization of the first Republican projects that especially admired the ideals of Republicanism.

Law and Original Contract in the Republican Thought of Immanuel Kant

This article discusses the concept of right and its identification with the power to coerce, to show a reciprocity between the original contract and the right, as a manifestation of the reciprocity between moral law and freedom, as Kant states in its Second Critique. The demonstration of this view will allow a republican stance evident in the legal and political thought of Kant, since the right of a people can only exist while the town itself is unified to enact.

Patriotismo y republicanismo en la Holanda de Espinoza

El objetivo de este trabajo consiste en oponer dos modos de fundamentar los sistemas políticos: el primero se basa en apelar a la historia y a la identidad nacional; mientras que el segundo pone el acento en los mecanismos institucionales. Vamos a tratar estas dos maneras de entender la política a partir del ejemplo de la Holanda de los siglos XVI y XVII, con la utilización que en esta época se hizo del mito Bátavo y del mito de Venecia. Mientras que el mito bátavo es sólo histórico, el mito de Venecia tiene un componente histórico y un aspecto político y constitucional, que representa Espinosa.

Ciríaco de Cardoso e O burro do Sr. Alcaide : percursos de formação de um compositor de comédia musical no Portugal finissecular

O principal objetivo deste estudo foi compreender as etapas do percurso artístico do compositor portuense Ciríaco de Cardoso (1846 – 1900) e os discursos em torno de uma das suas obras mais célebres: O burro do Sr. Alcaide (1891). No primeiro capítulo procurou-se identificar e discutir os critérios que estiveram na base das opções profissionais tomadas por Ciríaco. O decurso da sua carreira leva a crer que possuía uma noção profunda das atividades que, no espaço lusófono, apresentavam maior potencial de aquisição quer de capital económico, quer de capital simbólico. É por isso que, mobilizando recursos das suas redes de sociabilidade, circula por instituições no Porto e em Lisboa mas, também, pelo lucrativo mercado teatral do Rio de Janeiro, assim como em Paris. Concentra-se no popular teatro musical – principal fonte de sustento – em paralelo com a atividade concertística e operática – forma de distinção atendendo à competitividade no mercado musico-teatral. Percebe também que a maximização do seu poder simbólico depende da legitimação alcançada pela sua associação às elites socioculturais locais, pelo que fomenta o estabelecimento de sociabilidades que se estendem inclusive às casas reais portuguesa e brasileira. Paradoxalmente, as edes mais próximas de Ciríaco estavam vinculadas a um idealismo republicano, relacionamento que exponencial proliferação de discursos dessa índole pelos media lusófonos (sobretudo a partir do tricentenário camoniano de 1880) e, por outro, pela aparente inexistência de registos que associem inequivocamente o artista ao ativismo republicano. Não obstante, é provável que Ciríaco de Cardoso tenha explorado o filão antimonárquico na programação da temporada de 1891 do Teatro da Avenida. O segundo capítulo explora a produção de O burro do Sr. Alcaide, através da análise da sua estrutura e das relações da obra com a realidade portuguesa da última década do século XIX. Embora respeite o modelo da opereta francesa, apresenta também características que poderão levar a que seja interpretada como transmissora de uma portugalidade idealizada, em linha com o nacionalismo português do último quartel do século. A ação decorre em Lisboa, cenário de interação entre personagens-tipo e caricaturas de personalidades concretas da elite sociopolítica portuguesa. Através de referências ao sebastianismo, satiriza-se o comportamento dessas elites, assim como as instituições da monarquia constitucional e a prevalência de uma visão messiânica dos governantes por parte da sociedade em geral. Faz-se a apologia da ruralidade através de tópicos musicais e de quadros onde se constrói uma imagem da música tradicional, correspondendo a uma idealização da nação – notada e enfatizada na receção pela crítica. Utiliza também outros tópicos pertencentes à paisagem sonora do público burguês, completando a expressão da urbanidade de um país onde essas duas realidades não eram ainda completamente dissociáveis. Contudo, ao não propor alterações efetivas à hierarquia da sociedade portuguesa finissecular, o desfecho da obra leva a concluir que esta terá consistido numa forma de propaganda o que, por um lado, explica o seu mediatismo e, por outro, vincula os seus autores – mais ou menos conscientes disso – às lutas políticas em curso aquando do ano da sua estreia.