"Sub Tiberio quies"? Judaea’s Political Situation under the Prefects (6-41 c.e.), between Reality and Ideology

Deeply conflicting views on the political situation of Judaea under the Roman prefects (6-41 c.e.) have been offered. According to some scholars, this was a period of persistent political unrest and agitation, whilst according to a widespread view it was a quiescent period of political calm (reflected in Tacitus’ phrase sub Tiberio quies). The present article critically examines again the main available sources –particularly Josephus, the canonical Gospels and Tacitus– in order to offer a more reliable historical reconstruction. The conclusions drawn by this survey calls into question some widespread and insufficiently nuanced views on the period. This, in turn, allows a reflection on the non-epistemic factors which might contribute to explain the origin of such views.

Deaths from cirrhosis in Poland and Hungary: The impact of different alcohol policies during the 1980s

Objective - To compare patterns of deaths from cirrhosis in Poland and Hungary in the context of differing alcohol policies in the 1980s. Design - Cohort analysis of deaths from chronic Liver disease and cirrhosis between 1959 and 1992 using mortality data from the World Health Organization database. Results - The pattern of alcohol related mortality in these countries is quite different. In both countries, death rates increased in the 1960s and 1970s. In Poland, this increase was arrested in 1980 and death rates have levelled out, with the exception of those in young females. In Hungary, rates have continued to climb, although the rate of increase decreased in the 1980s. This change coincides with the introduction of a policy, following the introduction of martial law, to reduce alcohol consumption. Conclusions - The countries of central and eastern Europe display many similarities in both political history and measures of health such as overall life expectancy. When examined more closely, substantial differences emerge. Policy makers must be cautious about adopting global solutions to health challenges that fail to take into account national variations.

ANZUS - Alive and well after fifty years

Marking its fiftieth anniversary in late 2001, the ANZUS alliance remains Australia's primary security relationship and one of the United States' most important defence arrangements in the Asia-Pacific region. It is argued here that ANZUS has defied many common suppositions advanced by international relations theorists on how alliances work. It thus represents an important refutation of arguments that they are short-term instruments of mere policy expediency and are largely interest-dependent. Cultural and normative factors are powerful, if often underrated, determinants for ANZUS's perpetuation. ANZUS may thus constitute an important test case for expanding our understanding of alliance politics beyond the usual preconditions and prerogatives normally associated with such a relationship.

Commonwealth of Australia: July to December 2001

The six-month period from July to December 2001 was an extraordinary phase in Australia’s political history. Until 26 August, when 460 asylum seekers were rescued from their sinking vessel off the Western Australian coast, there was nothing to suggest that politics in Australia would be any different from the usual round of policy pronouncements, routine attacks by the opposition, and the occasional headlinegrabbing scandal. It seemed, as the Australian’s international editor Paul Kelly wrote, that tax would dominate the 2001 federal election campaign (21-22 July 2001). Once the asylum seekers had been rescued by the Norwegian freighter Tampa and refused entry to Australia, however, tax declined in significance. The ramifications of the Tampa incident and its aftermath were still engaging the Australian polity when, on 11 September, terrorists hijacked four passenger jets in the United States and flew two of them into the World Trade Centre in New York, one into the Pentagon, and crashed another in Pennsylvania, killing, it was estimated, more than 6000 people. Both incidents changed Australian politics. The extent and significance of the changes remain to be fully seen, but one short-term effect was to boost significantly the government’s chances of re-election.

O papel da Organização das Nações Unidas em Angola

RESUMO: Angola tem sido ao longo dos tempos objecto de cobiça por parte de países estrangeiros por motivações diversas, que foram desde interesses coloniais – como aconteceu com Portugal, que durante séculos a colonizou, e da Holanda, que dominou Luanda entre 1641 e 1648 – ou por interesses hegemónicos, ideológicos e políticos – como sucedeu com os EUA e a URSS, mas também com a Republica Popular da China e Cuba – e até por interesses regionais – como foram os casos da África do Sul e dos contíguos Congo Belga, hoje Republica Democrática do Congo, e Zâmbia. No entanto, a todos estes interesses diversos não se pode excluir um que lhes é transversal: o interesse económico. De facto, os 1246700 km² de que Angola dispõe, aliados à sua excelente localização geográfica com uma extensa costa atlântica e a sua extraordinária riqueza em recursos naturais podem explicar este envolvimento estrangeiro na História de Angola. No que diz respeito ao objecto da Dissertação, o envolvimento da ONU nas questões relacionadas com Angola remonta à década de 50, ou seja, ao período colonial e muito antes da independência do país em 1975, devido à política descolonizadora saída da II Guerra Mundial. Além disso, a dinâmica que emergiu da II Guerra Mundial, rapidamente, reconfigurou o panorama político internacional em dois blocos: o ocidental liderado pelos EUA e o de Leste liderado pela URSS, que se envolveram numa Guerra Fria, polarização cujos efeitos se ligam de forma trágica à guerra em Angola, primeiro para a autodeterminação, e, depois, já num contexto de independência, num conflito armado que ultrapassou o plano interno. Os interesses dos EUA e da URSS, que começaram por ser antagónicos, deram lugar em 1989 com o fim da bipolaridade a uma cooperação mais aberta e uma abertura política em Angola rumo à paz e ao início da construção da democracia. Neste trabalho estuda-se o papel da ONU em Angola, quer no período de luta pela independência, quer depois, na busca da paz no sangrento conflito – nem sempre civil – que mesmo antes da data da independência, a 11 de Novembro de 1975, e até Fevereiro de 2002, dilacerou o país. Procura-se, igualmente, analisar o contributo da ONU na consolidação das instituições e na construção de um regime democrático em Angola. ABSTRACT: Angola has been along time subject to the greed of several foreign countries for many reasons and motivations which go from colonial interests - that is the cases of, Portugal which for centuries colonized it, and Netherlands under whose administration had been Luanda between 1641 and 1648 - or for hegemonic, ideological and political interests - as it happened in regard to USA and USSR, but also People‟s Republic of China, Cuba, - and even for regional interests - regarding South Africa Republic, and the neighbouring countries, Democratic Republic of Congo (ancient Republic of the Congo “Leopoldville”), and the Republic of Zambia. On the other hand to these interests we may join another which is transversal to all of them: economic interest. Effectively, Angola‟s 481,351 square miles (1,246,700 Km2) estimated area, combined with its excellent geographical location with a lengthy Atlantic coast, its extraordinary richness in natural resources may well explain this foreign participation in its Political History. Concerning the objective of this work, the UN has been involved in matters regarding Angola since the decade of 50 of the last century, during the colonial period, long before the independence of the country in 1975, due to the decolonization policy emerged from the Second World War. Furthermore, after the Second World War, international environment has changed, transforming quickly the world into two main blocs, the West with the leadership of the USA and the East with the leadership of USSR which went into a Cold War. The effects of this polarization reached tragically Angola, early in the fight for self-determination, and went on later after independence in an armed conflict, which has overcome the internal dimension. The USA and USSR interests, at the beginning being antagonistic had become by 1989, with the end of bipolarity, more cooperative, leading Angola to a political reform towards peace and beginning the construction of democracy. In this academic work it‟s studied the UNO role in Angola since the fight for self-determination early in the sixties of last century, and later in the search for peace during the bloody - and not always civil – war conflict which very before independence date in 11th November 1975, and as long as 2002, divided the country. Additionally, this work aims to understand the UNO contribution to consolidate institutions and to promote democracy in Angola.

Eleições municipais em Lisboa na Primeira República (19910-1926)

Esta tese investiga as eleições municipais em Lisboa durante a Primeira República (1910-1926). Pretende-se captar permanências e mudanças neste microcosmo político, para um conhecimento aprofundado da História eleitoral e local desta época. Estuda, uma a uma, as eleições municipais em Lisboa (1913, 1917, 1919, 1922 e 1925). Pesquisa as forças partidárias, os candidatos a vereadores, a campanha política, o corpo eleitoral e o resultado da votação para cada um dos escrutínios. No capítulo final faz-se análise de todos os sufrágios, averiguando a questão da legitimação do poder municipal em Lisboa na Primeira República. Concluímos que as “eleições feitas” ditaram a hegemonia do Partido Republicano Português em todas as eleições camarárias da capital. Apesar disso, o regime republicano empenhou-se na participação política, na cultura cívica e no processo de modernização e democratização da sociedade portuguesa.

Irish Land Bonds: 1891-1938

This paper introduces a new database on Irish land bonds listed on the Dublin Stock Exchange from 1891 to 1938: it outlines the nature of these bonds and presents data on their size, liquidity and market returns. These government-guaranteed bonds arose during a period when the possibility of Irish secession from the United Kingdom appeared ever more likely, and were used to finance the transfer of land ownership from landlords to tenants in Ireland (North & South). Movements in the prices of these bonds can help to understand how financial markets responded to events in the early economic and political history of the Irish Free State, including Irish partition, Independence, Civil War and de facto default. Understanding these issues has contemporary relevance for regions in Spain (Catalonia, Euskadi), Great Britain (Scotland) and Belgium (Flanders).

Anti-impérialisme et nouvelle gauche radicale dans la Suisse des années 68

Cette thèse entend apporter un éclairage sur l'histoire politique et sociale de la Suisse des années 68, en étudiant l'articulation entre les mouvements anti-impérialistes et la nouvelle gauche radicale, alors foisonnante. Il s'agit d'analyser cette période de contestation au prisme de l'anti-impérialisme révolutionnaire, lequel, dans le contexte de l'opposition à la guerre du Vietnam, a fortement imprégné le mouvement protestataire, en assignant notamment au tiers-monde le rôle de sujet de l'émancipation mondiale. Combinant une triple approche - chronologique, thématique et biographique - ce travail est structuré en quatre parties. La première partie esquisse un panorama des mouvements anti-impérialistes des années 1960 et 1970 en Suisse, avec une focalisation sur les «années anti-imp», entre 1968 et 1975. La deuxième interroge le rapport entre anti¬impérialisme et nouvelle gauche radicale, en proposant une typologie des principaux courants. La troisième partie s'attache à examiner le système de représentations du monde et de la Suisse véhiculé par le discours de l'extrême gauche. Prenant pour objet le militantisme, la dernière partie esquisse un portrait de groupe de la « génération anti-imp », fondé sur une enquête prosopographique et sur un corpus d'entretiens réalisés avec des militants de l'époque. L'étude révèle que l'anti-impérialisme a fourni à la contestation soixante-huitarde un cadre conceptuel et analytique, un facteur de structuration, ainsi qu'un vecteur de mobilisation. Il a en particulier permis à la gauche radicale suisse d'inscrire sa lutte anticapitaliste locale dans un horizon global d'émancipation. L'analyse de l'anti-impérialisme révolutionnaire, qui a connu son apogée dans les années 68 avant de connaître un déclin rapide et presque total, invite à appréhender cette « décennie mouvementée » comme la fin d'un long cycle politique. -- This thesis aims to shed light on the social and political history of Switzerland in the 1960s and 1970s by studying the relationship between anti-imperialist movements and the emerging new radical left. It analyses this time of rebellion through the prism of revolutionary anti-imperialism. In the context of opposition to the Vietnam War, anti-imperialism strongly influenced protest movements, notably by assigning to the Third World the role of main actor in the fight for global emancipation. Combining a threefold approach - chronological, thematic and biographical - this work is structured in four parts. The first part provides a panorama of the anti-imperialist movements of the long 1960s in Switzerland with a focus on the « anti-imp years » between 1968 and 1975. The second part questions the relationship between anti-imperialism and the new radical left and proposes a typology of its main currents. The third part examines how the radical left's discourse represented the world, and Switzerland in particular. The last part addresses the question of activism and outlines a group portrait of the « anti-imp generation » based on a prosopographical study and on a body of interviews with former activists. This study reveals that anti-imperialism, besides serving as an agent of mobilization, provided a conceptual and ideological framework, as well as a structuring factor, to the protest movements. In particular, it enabled the Swiss radical left to fit its local anti-capitalist struggle into a global horizon of emancipation. This analysis of revolutionary anti- imperialism, which had its heyday in the 1960s and 1970s before experiencing a rapid and almost total decline, thus invites us to see this « turbulent decade » as the end of a long political cycle.

Multiculturalitat i interculturalitat en la Història de Catalunya

La finalitat de la recerca, concebuda com a recerca aplicada ha consistit en confegir un manual d’història de Catalunya (Catalunya+suma) especialment destinat a la immigració. El treball havia de contextualizar aspectes generals d’història política, social i cultural (endògenes), amb les aportacions, ètniques i culturals (exògenes) rebudes a Catalunya al llarg del temps i que han configurat al capdavall la societat catalana, entesa com a formació cultural i socio-política, les variables de la qual han estat en contínua coevolució. Per tant tractar la dialèctica de com, en un període de temps, les aportacions exògenes és converteixen en endògenes, i sempre en una perspectiva temporal i històrica, ha estat l’objectiu del treball. La recerca bibliogràfica i la transposició didàctica han estat les principals components metodològiques. S’han tingut especialment en compte les aportacions de la historiografia contemporània, tot i que s’ha fet un esforç per integrar coneixement generat dels del punt de vista de l’arqueologia i l’antropologia, història de l’art, sociologia, etc. Pel que fa a la recerca didàctica el tret més important ha estat, precisament, el procés de transposició didàctica destinat a convertir el saber disciplinar en saber comprensible. El projecte “Multiculturalitat i interculturalitat en la Història de Catalunya” ha generat un estudi històric i didàctic de síntesi sobre història del país que es concreta en el manual “Catalunya+Suma”. Es tracta d’un manual d‘història de Catalunya dirigit a un horitzó d’ampli espectre i de manera molt especial als immigrants. Cal destacar també que el treball te un caràcter inicial i iniciàtic i que te possibilitats de desenvolupament posterior a partir de l’elaboració de materials didàctics i guies patrimonials expressament adreçada a la immigració i entorns afins. El manual “Catalunya+suma" vol incidir, prioritàriament en la formació inicial i permanent de la immigració, i en els espais formals, i no formals, d’ensenyament i aprenentatge.

Kultaisen valtaistuimen varkaus

Abstract

Tahko Pihkalan kokoelma

Prof. Lauri Pihkalan testamentin perusteella Jyväskylän yliopiston kirjastolle luovutettu kokoelma koti- ja ulkomaista urheilukirjallisuutta 1800-luvun loppupuolelta 1970-luvulle. Sisältää urheilua ja ruumiinkulttuuria käsittelevän kirjallisuuden lisäksi poliittista historiaa, sotalaitosta ja naisliikettä koskevaa kirjallisuutta sekä ainutlaatuisen Amerikka-kokoelman. Kirjoissa näkyy Pihkalan lukutavat ja merkinnät.

Perusteos eurooppalaisesta feminismistä

Kirjallisuusarvostelu

Le cinéma québécois vu par ses critiques entre 1960 et 1978

Cette étude s’intéresse aux écrits portant sur le cinéma québécois qui ont été publiés durant les décennies 1960-70 dans les quatre principales revues de cinéma du Québec, soient Séquences, Objectif, Cinéma/Québec et Champ libre. Cherchant à les comprendre historiquement, elle situe ces publications dans l’évolution de la critique cinématographique au Québec et dans le développement sociopolitique de l’époque. Abordant chacune des revues individuellement, ce texte présente les rédacteurs, le rôle que se donnent les comités de rédaction, ainsi que leur approche du cinéma. Il soulève également les principaux enjeux abordés par chacune d’entre elles et il révèle le discours sur le cinéma québécois qui y est publié. Par la suite, cherchant à établir des constatations sur la critique cinématographique, à partir du corpus étudié, cette étude expose les interactions existant entre ces revues : les raisons derrière leur fondation et les réactions des comités de rédaction lors de l’arrivée de nouvelles concurrentes. En définitive, soulignant les différences et les ressemblances entre les discours sur le cinéma québécois retrouvées dans ces publications, cette étude présente la perception générale de la critique envers la production cinématographique de cette époque.