Paroxetine and bupropion have no in vitro effects on lynphocyte proliferation and viability

OBJECTIVE: Initial studies with tricyclic antidepressants demonstrated that they jeopardize the immune system activity. Recent studies suggested that selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors would have stimulating immunological effects. Here, we explored the in vitro immunological effects of two antidepressants used in clinical practice, paroxetine (selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor) and bupropion (norepinephrine and dopamine reuptake inhibitor). METHOD: Peripheral blood samples were obtained from 16 healthy volunteers and the peripheral blood mononuclear cells were isolated and cultured in vitro. We evaluated the effects of bupropion and paroxetine on cell viability as well as the ability to suppress phytohemagglutinin-induced lymphocyte proliferation. RESULTS: Both antidepressants produced neither significant effect on cell viability nor on T-cell proliferation. CONCLUSIONS: This could be of valuable information for the clinical practice when these drugs are administered. These results indicate a more favorable effect of such psychopharmacological drugs when compared to reported immunological effects associated with tryciclic antidepressants.

The electoral dynamics of human development

This paper analyses the impact of elections on the dynamics of human development in a panel of 82 countries over the period 1980-2013. The incidence of partisan and political support effects is also taken into account. A GMM estimator is employed in the empirical analysis and the results point out to the presence of an electoral cycle in the growth rate of human development. Majority governments also influence it, but no clear evidence is found regarding partisan effects. The electoral cycles have proved to be stronger in non-OECD countries, in countries with less frequent elections, with lower levels of income and human development, in presidential and non-plurality systems and in proportional representation regimes. They have also become more intense in this millennium.

Los Efectos del sistema electoral europeo en España: los partidos políticos de ámbito no estatal

A lo largo de este artículo se analizan los efectos del sistema electoral europeo en España sobre los partidos políticos de ámbito no estatal. Por un lado, se estudia el funcionamiento de la normativa electoral española, subrayando la sobrerepresentación de unos partidos políticos y la infrarepresentación de otros en función del ámbito territorial organizativo de la formación política. Por otro lado, se presentan datos sistemáticos y comparados que demuestran esta distorsión de la representación política –fruto de la normativa electoral-, y dibujamos la estrategia electoral que los partidos políticos afectados negativamente desarrollan: las coaliciones electorales. Pero, ¿en base a qué criterios se organizan tales coaliciones electorales? El enfoque multivariable –la circunscripción, la magnitud electoral y el número de eurodiputados españoles- nos va permitir responder a esta y otras preguntas. El objetivo es ahondar en el debate sobre la normativa electoral en la arena política europea.

El Comportament electoral dels espanyols al referèndum de la Constitució Europea

Aquest paper tracta dels resultats del referèndum sobre la Constitució Europea que es va celebrar a Espanya el 20 de febrer de 2005. Hi trobem un panorama general del context en el qual se celebrà la consulta, i, a través de l’anàlisi d’enquestes postelectorals, analitza la composició del vot afirmatiu i del negatiu, la posició dels diferents partits polítics i el comportament electoral dels diversos actors socials, dividits per classe social, religió, edat, gènere, territori, etc. També hi ha una anàlisi de l’abstenció i de la participació a Espanya en aquest cas.

The effect of candidate quality on electoral equilibrium: an experimental study

When two candidates of different quality compete in a one dimensional policy space, the equilibrium outcomes are asymmetric and do not correspond to the median. There are three main effects. First, the better candidate adopts more centrist policies than the worse candidate. Second, the equilibrium is statistical, in the sense that it predicts a probability distribution of outcomes rather than a single degenerate outcome. Third, the equilibrium varies systematically with the level of uncertainty about the location of the median voter. We test these three predictions using laboratory experiments, and find strong support for all three. We also observe some biases and show that they canbe explained by quantal response equilibrium.

El Sistema electoral a Austràlia: convivència en la complexitat democràtica

L’objectiu d’aquestes pàgines és descriure el desenvolupament del sistema electoral a Austràlia des de la perspectiva que comporta tant la seva complexitat com flexibilitat. Una complexitat a què s’ha acostumat el ciutadà australià fruit de la naturalesa federal del país. En comptes que les modificacions en les regles del joc democràtic facin perillar la credibilitat del poder polític, Austràlia sempre ha conservat una ferma evolució política a partir dels eixos de buscar la millor representació ciutadana. Aquesta diversitat i sofisticació constant no han portat a la ciutadania a una desinhibició de les regles democràtiques, sinó que s’ha combinat amb una participació electoral obligada dels ciutadans que els implica directament amb el seu sistema polític.

Electoral Uncertainty and the Deficit Bias in a New Keynesian Economy

Recent attempts to incorporate optimal fiscal policy into New Keynesian models subject to nominal inertia, have tended to assume that policy makers are benevolent and have access to a commitment technology. A separate literature, on the New Political Economy, has focused on real economies where there is strategic use of policy instruments in a world of political conflict. In this paper we combine these literatures and assume that policy is set in a New Keynesian economy by one of two policy makers facing electoral uncertainty (in terms of infrequent elections and an endogenous voting mechanism). The policy makers generally share the social welfare function, but differ in their preferences over fiscal expenditure (in its size and/or composition). Given the environment, policy shall be realistically constrained to be time-consistent. In a sticky-price economy, such heterogeneity gives rise to the possibility of one policy maker utilising (nominal) debt strategically to tie the hands of the other party, and influence the outcome of any future elections. This can give rise to a deficit bias, implying a sub-optimally high level of steady-state debt, and can also imply a sub-optimal response to shocks. The steady-state distortions and inflation bias this generates, combined with the volatility induced by the electoral cycle in a sticky-price environment, can significantly

Mutations of the Serine Protease CAP1/Prss8 Lead to Reduced Embryonic Viability, Skin Defects, and Decreased ENaC Activity.

CAP1/Prss8 is a membrane-bound serine protease involved in the regulation of several different effectors, such as the epithelial sodium channel ENaC, the protease-activated receptor PAR2, the tight junction proteins, and the profilaggrin polypeptide. Recently, the V170D and the G54-P57 deletion mutations within the CAP1/Prss8 gene, identified in mouse frizzy (fr) and rat hairless (fr(CR)) animals, respectively, have been proposed to be responsible for their skin phenotypes. In the present study, we analyzed those mutations, revealing a change in the protein structure, a modification of the glycosylation state, and an overall reduction in the activation of ENaC of the two mutant proteins. In vivo analyses demonstrated that both fr and fr(CR) mutant animals present analogous reduction of embryonic viability, similar histologic aberrations at the level of the skin, and a significant decrease in the activity of ENaC in the distal colon compared with their control littermates. Hairless rats additionally had dehydration defects in skin and intestine and significant reduction in the body weight. In conclusion, we provided molecular and functional evidence that CAP1/Prss8 mutations are accountable for the defects in fr and fr(CR) animals, and we furthermore demonstrate a decreased function of the CAP1/Prss8 mutant proteins. Therefore, fr and fr(CR) animals are suitable models to investigate the consequences of CAP1/Prss8 action on its target proteins in the whole organism.

An Analysis of the Electoral Use of Policy on Law and Order by New Labour

There has been much debate regarding the electoral strategy adopted by New Labour in the lead-up to and then during their time in government. This paper addresses the issue from the perspective of left/right and libertarian/authoritarian considerations by examining data on individual attitudes from the British Social Attitudes survey between 1986 and 2009. The analysis indicates that New Labour’s move towards the right on economic and public policy was the main driver towards attracting new centrist voters and could thus be labelled ‘broadly’ populist. The move towards a tougher stance on law and order was more ‘narrowly’ populist in that it was used more to minimise the reduction in support from Labour’s traditional base on the left than to attract new votes.