979 resultados para democratic consolidation


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Besides the elastic stiffness, the relaxation behavior of single living cells is also of interest of various researchers when studying cell mechanics. It is hypothesized that the relaxation response of the cells is governed by both intrinsic viscoelasticity of the solid phase and fluid-solid interactions mechanisms. There are a number of mechanical models have been developed to investigate the relaxation behavior of single cells. However, there is lack of model enable to accurately capture both of the mechanisms. Therefore, in this study, the porohyperelastic (PHE) model, which is an extension of the consolidation theory, combined with inverse Finite Element Analysis (FEA) technique was used at the first time to investigate the relaxation response of living chondrocytes. This model was also utilized to study the dependence of relaxation behavior of the cells on strain-rates. The stress-relaxation experiments under the various strain-rates were conducted with the Atomic Force Microscopy (AFM). The results have demonstrated that the PHE model could effectively capture the stress-relaxation behavior of the living chondrocytes, especially at intermediate to high strain-rates. Although this model gave some errors at lower strain-rates, its performance was acceptable. Therefore, the PHE model is properly a promising model for single cell mechanics studies. Moreover, it has been found that the hydraulic permeability of living chondrocytes reduced with decreasing of strain-rates. It might be due to the intracellular fluid volume fraction and the fluid pore pressure gradients of chondrocytes were higher when higher strain-rates applied.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to provide a critical analysis of recent examples of action competence among young people engaged in democratic participatory action in sustainability programs in Australia. It explores examples of priorities identified for citizen action, the forms this action takes and the ways that democratic participation can achieve positive outcomes for future sustainability. It suggests multiple ways for developing action competence that provides further opportunities for authentic and engaging citizen action for youth connected to school- and community-based learning, in new and powerful ways. Design/methodology/approach – This conceptual paper examines international literature on the theory of “action competence,” its significance for education for sustainability (EfS) and the ways it can inform education for young people’s democratic participatory citizenship and civic engagement. It analyses examples of the development of action competency among young people in Australia, including the problems and priorities identified for citizen action, the forms this action takes and how it can achieve positive outcomes for sustainability. Following this analysis, the paper suggests multiple ways for developing action competence in EfS in schools and communities in new and powerful ways. Findings – Developing EfS to increase democratic and participatory action among young citizens is now widely regarded as an urgent education priority. There are growing exemplars of school and community organizations’ involvement in developing EfS learning and teaching to increase participatory citizenship. Young people are being empowered to develop a greater sense of agency through involvement in programs that develop action competence with a focus on sustainability in and out of school. New forms of participation include student action teams and peer collaboration among youth who are marshaling social media and direction action to achieve change. Originality/value – It contributes to the literature on multiple ways for developing action competence in EfS.

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This thesis is a study about women's participation in Bhutan's new democracy and exposes the patriarchy embedded in Bhutanese society which is reinforced through cultural practices and the legal framework. It reveals the public/private dichotomy, the low educational attainment of girls and the gendered division of labour which derails women's public life. It discloses a masculine driven party politics and the challenges of being a woman in the world of men. Nonetheless, the first trailblazing women parliamentarians demonstrated a principled, feminine, political leadership in a masculine environment. Semi-structured interviews, document review and participant observation methods were used to collect data.

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Careful study of various aspects presented in the note reveals basic fallacies in the concept and final conclusions.The Authors claim to have presented a new method of determining C-v. However, the note does not contain a new method. In fact, the method proposed is an attempt to generate settlement vs. time data using only two values of (t,8). The Authors have used a rectangular hyperbola method to determine C-v from the predicated 8- t data. In this context, the title of the paper itself is misleading and questionable. The Authors have compared C-v values predicated with measured values, both of them being the results of the rectangular hyperbola method.

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Using Terzaghi's degree of consolidation, U, and the time factor, T, relationship, if M-U1 and M-U2 (M-U1 not equal M-U2) are slopes of the U-root T curve at any two time factors T-U1 and T-U2, then it can be shown that a unique relationship exists between T-U2/T-U1, M-U1/M-U2, and TU, (or TU2), and knowing any two of these, the third can be uniquely determined. A chart, called the T chart, has been plotted using these three variables for quickly determining T and U at any experimental time, t, to determine the coefficient of consolidation, c(v), corrected zero settlement, delta(o), and ultimate primary settlement, delta(100). The chart can be used even in those cases where settlement and time, at the instant of load increment, are not known.

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Taylor (1948) suggested the method for determination of the settlement, d, corresponding to 90% consolidation utilizing the characteristics of the degree of consolidation, U, versus the square root of the time factor, square root of T, plot. Based on the properties of the slope of U versus square root of T curve, a new method is proposed to determine d corresponding to any U above 70% consolidation for evaluation of the coefficient of consolidation, Cn. The effects of the secondary consolidation on the Cn value at different percentages of consolidation can be studied. Cn, closer to the field values, can be determined in less time as compared to Taylor's method. At any U in between 75 and 95% consolidation, Cn(U) due to the new method lies in between Taylor's Cn and Casagrande's Cn.

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The standard curve-fitting methods, Casagrande's log t method and Taylor's root t method, for the determination of the coefficient of consolidation use the later part of the consolidation curve and are influenced by secondary compression effects. Literature shows that secondary compression is concurrent with primary consolidation and that its effect is to decrease the value of the coefficient of consolidation. If the early part of the time-compression data is used, the values obtained will be less influenced by secondary compression effects. A method that uses the early part of the log t plot is proposed in this technical note. As the influence of secondary compression is reduced, the value obtained by this method is greater than that yielded by both the standard methods. The permeability values computed from C-v (obtained from the proposed method) rue more in agreement with the measured values than the standard methods showing that the effects of secondary compression are minimized. Time-compression data for a shorter duration is sufficient for the determination of C-v if the coefficient of secondary compression is not required.

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Based on Terzaghi's consolidation theory, percent of consolidation, U, versus the time factor, T, relationship for constant/linear excess pore water pressure distribution, it is possible to generate theoretical log10(H2/t) versus U curves where H is the length of the drainage path of a consolidating layer, and t is the time for different known values of the coefficient of consolidation, cν. A method has been developed wherein both the theoretical and experimental behavior of soils during consolidation can be simultaneously compared and studied on the same plot. The experimental log10(H2/t) versus U curves have been compared with the theoretical curves. The deviations of the experimental behavior from the theory are explained in terms of initial compression and secondary compression. Analysis of results indicates that the secondary compression essentially starts from about 60% consolidation. A simple procedure is presented for calculating the value of cv from the δ-t data using log10(H2/t) versus U plot.

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This study examines the Chinese press discussion about democratic centralism in 1978-1981 in newspapers, political journals and academic journals distributed nationwide. It is thus a study of intellectual trends during the Hua Guofeng period and of methods, strategies, and techniques of public political discussion of the time. In addition, this study presents democratic centralism as a comprehensive theory of democracy and evaluates this theory. It compares the Chinese theory of democratic centralism with Western traditions of democracy, not only with the standard liberal theory but also with traditions of participatory and deliberative democracy, in order to evaluate whether the Chinese theory of democratic centralism forms a legitimate theory of democracy. It shows that the Chinese theory comes close to participatory types of democracy and shares a conception of democracy as communication with the theory of deliberative democracy. Therefore, the Chinese experience provides some empirical evidence of the practicability of these traditions of democracy. Simultaneously, this study uses experiences of participatory democracies outside of China to explain some earlier findings about the Chinese practices. This dissertation also compares Chinese theory with some common Western theories and models of Chinese society as well as with Western understandings of Chinese political processes. It thus aims at opening more dialogue between Chinese and Western political theories and understandings about Chinese polity. This study belongs to scholarly traditions of the history of ideas, political philosophy, comparative politics, and China studies. The main finding of this study is that the Chinese theory of democratic centralism is essentially a theory about democracy, but whether its scrupulous practicing alone would be sufficient for making a country a democracy depends on which established definition of democracy one applies and on what kind of democratic deficits are seen as being acceptable within a truly democratic system. Nevertheless, since the Chinese theory of democratic centralism fits well with some established definitions of democracy and since democratic deficits are a reality in all actual democracies, the Chinese themselves are talking about democracy in terms acceptable to Western political philosophy as well.

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Rapid population growth, changing demographic profiles and increased focus on sustainable urban form has led to significant changes in settlement patterns in Australian cities. Growth management strategies are increasingly employed to help cities manage strain on infrastructure, housing and ecosystems. Urban consolidation is one such strategy and has been adopted by all Australian capital cities. Despite strong governmental support, urban consolidation has triggered much academic debate and has often been accompanied by staunch community opposition and complaints from the development industry about barriers to the provision of higher density housing. Greater understanding of stakeholder representations of higher density housing is important for planning, given the strong policy focus on urban consolidation nationally. This paper contributes to existing urban consolidation literature by empirically demonstrating how urban consolidation is represented in Brisbane’s newspaper media through the use of metaphors. Its conceptual departure point is Social Representations Theory, drawing on the theory’s notion of objectification to illustrate how the media translates the abstract notion of urban consolidation into a tangible and understandable object. The objectification of urban consolidation is identified and discussed relative to four themes: land use conflict; growth; neighbourhood change and apartment living. This paper argues that understanding stakeholder representations is important for planners seeking to promote and negotiate delivery of higher density development. It concludes that stakeholder representations can highlight key areas of contention to be addressed by planners, provide indications on the likelihood of public acceptance of increased housing densities and delineate the boundaries of urban consolidation debates.

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Form political letter. Printed on Executive Committee stationery with handwritten salutation in blue ink. Invitation to be a Vice President to ratify nominations of Greely and Brown, Democratic party.

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Democratic Legitimacy and the Politics of Rights is a research in normative political theory, based on comparative analysis of contemporary democratic theories, classified roughly as conventional liberal, deliberative democratic and radical democratic. Its focus is on the conceptual relationship between alternative sources of democratic legitimacy: democratic inclusion and liberal rights. The relationship between rights and democracy is studied through the following questions: are rights to be seen as external constraints to democracy or as objects of democratic decision making processes? Are individual rights threatened by public participation in politics; do constitutionally protected rights limit the inclusiveness of democratic processes? Are liberal values such as individuality, autonomy and liberty; and democratic values such as equality, inclusion and popular sovereignty mutually conflictual or supportive? Analyzing feminist critique of liberal discourse, the dissertation also raises the question about Enlightenment ideals in current political debates: are the universal norms of liberal democracy inherently dependent on the rationalist grand narratives of modernity and incompatible with the ideal of diversity? Part I of the thesis introduces the sources of democratic legitimacy as presented in the alternative democratic models. Part II analyses how the relationship between rights and democracy is theorized in them. Part III contains arguments by feminists and radical democrats against the tenets of universalist liberal democratic models and responds to that critique by partly endorsing, partly rejecting it. The central argument promoted in the thesis is that while the deconstruction of modern rationalism indicates that rights are political constructions as opposed to externally given moral constraints to politics, this insight does not delegitimize the politics of universal rights as an inherent part of democratic institutions. The research indicates that democracy and universal individual rights are mutually interdependent rather than oppositional; and that democracy is more dependent on an unconditional protection of universal individual rights when it is conceived as inclusive, participatory and plural; as opposed to robust majoritarian rule. The central concepts are: liberalism, democracy, legitimacy, deliberation, inclusion, equality, diversity, conflict, public sphere, rights, individualism, universalism and contextuality. The authors discussed are e.g. John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas, Seyla Benhabib, Iris Young, Chantal Mouffe and Stephen Holmes. The research focuses on contemporary political theory, but the more classical work of John S. Mill, Benjamin Constant, Isaiah Berlin and Hannah Arendt is also included.

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Public referenda have gained momentum as a democratic tool to legitimize public mega projects such as hosting the Olympic Games. Interest groups in favour of hosting the Olympics therefore try to influence voters through public campaigns that primarily focus on economic benefits. However, recent studies find no or hardly any economic impact of hosting the Olympics, instead providing evidence for a positive social impact. This raises the question whether citizens consider economic or social factors when deciding on hosting the Olympics. Based on representative survey data from 12 countries, our results suggest that economic factors can influence voting behaviour, although the influence of social factors is stronger.