963 resultados para coastal communities


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This study examined the sea cucumber industry in the Philippines through the value chain lens. The intent was to identify effective pathways for the successful introduction of sandfish culture as livelihood support for coastal communities. Value chain analysis is a high-resolution analytical tool that enables industry examination at a detailed level. Previous industry assessments have provided a general picture of the sea cucumber industry in the country. The present study builds on the earlier work and supplies additional details for a better understanding of the industry's status and problems, especially their implications for the Australian Center for International Agricultural Research (ACIAR) funded sandfish project "Culture of sandfish (Holothuria scabra) in Asia- Pacific" (FIS/2003/059). (PDF contains 54 pages)

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The condition of mangroves pre- and post- tsunami and the socioeconomic role of mangrove forests in the livelihoods of coastal communities along the west coast of Aceh province, Indonesia are examined. The findings indicate that community livelihoods are significantly linked to the mangrove ecosystem. However, most of the mangrove rehabilitation programs are conservation orientated, aimed primarily at land conservation, and are not necessarily linked with livelihood options for local people or integrated resource management. This is a cause for concern as rehabilitation will only succeed when conservation measures are balanced with local community needs to obtain sustainable benefits from the rehabilitated systems. The rehabilitation efforts do involve the communities to a certain extent, but a more holistic and integrated approach needs to be adopted to ensure better management and sustainability of the rehabilitated mangrove forests.

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The northern quahog, Mercenaria mercenaria, ranges along the Atlantic Coast of North America from the Canadian Maritimes to Florida, while the southern quahog, M. campechiensis, ranges mostly from Florida to southern Mexico. The northern quahog was fished by native North Americans during prehistoric periods. They used the meats as food and the shells as scrapers and as utensils. The European colonists copied the Indians treading method, and they also used short rakes for harvesting quahogs. The Indians of southern New England and Long Island, N.Y., made wampum from quahog shells, used it for ornaments and sold it to the colonists, who, in turn, traded it to other Indians for furs. During the late 1600’s, 1700’s, and 1800’s, wampum was made in small factories for eventual trading with Indians farther west for furs. The quahoging industry has provided people in many coastal communities with a means of earning a livelihood and has given consumers a tasty, wholesome food whether eaten raw, steamed, cooked in chowders, or as stuffed quahogs. More than a dozen methods and types of gear have been used in the last two centuries for harvesting quahogs. They include treading and using various types of rakes and dredges, both of which have undergone continuous improvements in design. Modern dredges are equipped with hydraulic jets and one type has an escalator to bring the quahogs continuously to the boats. In the early 1900’s, most provinces and states established regulations to conserve and maximize yields of their quahog stocks. They include a minimum size, now almost universally a 38-mm shell width, and can include gear limitations and daily quotas. The United States produces far more quahogs than either Canada or Mexico. The leading producer in Canada is Prince Edward Island. In the United States, New York, New Jersey, and Rhode Island lead in quahog production in the north, while Virginia and North Carolina lead in the south. Connecticut and Florida were large producers in the 1990’s. The State of Tabasco leads in Mexican production. In the northeastern United States, the bays with large openings, and thus large exchanges of bay waters with ocean waters, have much larger stocks of quahogs and fisheries than bays with small openings and water exchanges. Quahog stocks in certified beds have been enhanced by transplanting stocks to them from stocks in uncertified waters and by planting seed grown in hatcheries, which grew in number from Massachusetts to Florida in the 1980’s and 1990’s.

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The northern quahog, Mercenaria mercenaria, ranges along the Atlantic Coast of North America from the Canadian Maritimes to Florida, while the southern quahog, M. campechiensis, ranges mostly from Florida to southern Mexico. The northern quahog was fished by native North Americans during prehistoric periods. They used the meats as food and the shells as scrapers and as utensils. The European colonists copied the Indians treading method, and they also used short rakes for harvesting quahogs. The Indians of southern New England made wampum from quahog shells, used it for ornaments and sold it to the colonists, who, in turn, traded it to other Indians for furs. During the late 1600’s, 1700’s, and 1800’s, wampum was made in small factories for eventual trading with Indians farther west for furs. The quahoging industry has provided people in many coastal communities with a means of earning a livelihood and has provided consumers with a tasty, wholesome food whether eaten raw, steamed, cooked in chowders, or as stuffed quahogs. More than a dozen methods and types of gear have been used in the last two centuries for harvesting quahogs. They include treading and using various types of rakes and dredges, both of which have undergone continuous improvements in design. Modern dredges are equipped with hydraulic jets and one type has an escalator to bring the quahogs continuously to the boats. In the early 1900’s, most provinces and states established regulations to conserve and maximize yields of their quahog stocks. They include a minimum size, now almost universally a 38-mm shell width, and can include gear limitations and daily quotas. The United States produces far more quahogs than either Canada or Mexico. The leading producer in Canada is Prince Edward Island. In the United States, New York, New Jersey, and Rhode Island lead in quahog production in the north, while Virginia and North Carolina lead in the south. Connecticut and Florida were large producers in the 1990’s. The State of Campeche leads in Mexican production. In the northeastern United States, the bays with large openings, and thus large exchanges of bay waters with ocean waters, have much larger stocks of quahogs and fisheries than bays with small openings and water exchanges. Quahog stocks in certifi ed beds have been enhanced by transplanting stocks to them from stocks in uncertified waters and by planting seed grown in hatcheries, which grew in number from Massachusetts to Florida in the 1980’s and 1990’s.

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This research focuses on the social dimensions of marine conservation, and makes an assessment of the experiences of coastal and fi shing communities with regard to the governance of MPAs in Central America, based on case studies from Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Panama. It examines the national contexts of the above countries in relation to the governance of MPAs. Furthermore, it analyzes the social impacts of MPAs on coastal communities by gathering the experiences and the voices of the communities and institutions involved, and reflects on how to build bridges in the search for forms and models of conservation that respect human rights and which are able to successfully integrate into local development efforts without affecting cultural and/or social patterns. To this end, this monograph looks at nine case studies across the region: in Honduras, the Islas de la Bahia-Guanaja Marine National Park, the Cayos Cochinos Marine Archipelago Natural Monument, and the Cuero and Salado Wildlife Refuge; in Nicaragua, the Chacocente Wildlife Refuge; in Costa Rica, the Guanacaste Conservation Area, the Ballena Marine National Park and the Golfo Dulce Responsible Fishing Area; and, in Panama, the Nargana Protected Area, in the Comarca de la Biosfera Guna-Yala, the Bastimentos Island Marine National Park, and Bocas del Toro.

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Many coastal communities across the United States are beginning to plan for climate-related sea level rise. While impacts and solutions will vary with local conditions, jurisdictions which have begun this process seem to pass through three common stages when developing policy for local sea level rise adaptation: l) building awareness about local sea level rise threats, 2) undertaking analyses of local vulnerabilities, and 3) developing plans and policies to deal with these vulnerabilities. The purpose of this paper is to help advance community dialogue and further inform local decision-makers about key elements and steps for addressing climate-related sea level rise. It summarizes the results of a project the Marine Policy Institute (MPI) undertook during 2011-12 to review experiences from fourteen U.S. coastal jurisdictions representing a variety of city, county, and state efforts with sea level adaptation. There are many more initiatives underway than those reflected in this sample, but the “focus jurisdictions” were selected because of the extensive information publically available on their experiences and lessons being learned that could provide insights for coastal communities, especially in Southwest Florida.

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This paper reviews the scientific data on the ecosystem services provided by shoreline habitats, the evidence for adverse impacts from bulkheading on those habitats and services, and describes alternative approaches to shoreline stabilization, which minimize adverse impacts to the shoreline ecosystem. Alternative shoreline stabilization structures that incorporate natural habitats, also known as living shorelines, have been popularized by environmental groups and state regulatory agencies in the mid-Atlantic. Recent data on living shoreline projects in North Carolina that include a stone sill demonstrate that the sills increase sedimentation rates, that after 3 years marshes behind the sills have slightly reduced biomass, and that the living shoreline projects exhibit similar rates of fishery utilization as nearby natural fringing marshes. Although the current emphasis on shoreline armoring in Puget Sound is on steeper, higher-energy shorelines, armoring of lower-energy shorelines may become an issue in the future with expansion of residential development and projected rates of sea level rise. The implementation of regulatory policy on estuarine shoreline stabilization in North Carolina and elsewhere is presented. The regulatory and public education issues experienced in North Carolina, which have made changes in estuarine shoreline stabilization policy difficult, may inform efforts to adopt a sustainable shoreline armoring strategy in Puget Sound. A necessary foundation for regulatory change in shoreline armoring policy, and public support for that change, is rigorous scientific assessment of the variety of services that natural shoreline habitats provide both to the ecosystem and to coastal communities, and evidence demonstrating that shoreline armoring can adversely impact the provision of those services.

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Hurricanes can cause extensive damage to the coastline and coastal communities due to wind-generated waves and storm surge. While extensive modeling efforts have been conducted regarding storm surge, there is far less information about the effects of waves on these communities and ecosystems as storms make landfall. This report describes a preliminary use of NCCOS’ WEMo (Wave Exposure Model; Fonseca and Malhotra 2010) to compute the wind wave exposure within an area of approximately 25 miles radius from Beaufort, North Carolina for estuarine waters encompassing Bogue Sound, Back Sound and Core Sound during three hurricane landfall scenarios. The wind wave heights and energy of a site was a computation based on wind speed, direction, fetch and local bathymetry. We used our local area (Beaufort, North Carolina) as a test bed for this product because it is frequently impacted by hurricanes and we had confidence in the bathymetry data. Our test bed conditions were based on two recent Hurricanes that strongly affected this area. First, we used hurricane Isabel which made landfall near Beaufort in September 2003. Two hurricane simulations were run first by passing hurricane Isabel along its actual path (east of Beaufort) and second by passing the same storm to the west of Beaufort to show the potential effect of the reversed wind field. We then simulated impacts by a hurricane (Ophelia) with a different landfall track, which occurred in September of 2005. The simulations produced a geographic description of wave heights revealing the changing wind and wave exposure of the region as a consequence of landfall location and storm intensity. This highly conservative simulation (water levels were that of low tide) revealed that many inhabited and developed shorelines would receive wind waves for prolonged periods of time at heights far above that found during even the top few percent of non-hurricane events. The simulations also provided a sense for how rapidly conditions could transition from moderate to highly threatening; wave heights were shown to far exceed normal conditions often long before the main body of the storm arrived and importantly, at many locations that could impede and endanger late-fleeing vessels seeking safe harbor. When joined with other factors, such as storm surge and event duration, we anticipate that the WEMo forecasting tool will have significant use by local emergency agencies and the public to anticipate the relative exposure of their property arising as a function of storm location and may also be used by resource managers to examine the effects of storms in a quantitative fashion on local living marine resources.

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The small-scale fishery is a traditional activity and enrolled in social and cultural practices of the coastal communities and some places of the inland waters of Mozambique. Scope for development, major constraints in the small-scale fisheries and best practices are examined.

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Conclusions and recommendations of the report were based upon eighteen case studies of community-based Integrated Coastal Management (ICM) in Bangladesh, India, Maldives and Sri Lanka. These include empowerment of coastal communities; failure of imposed fishery co-operatives; and the application of territorial use rights in fisheries(TURF).

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Philippine coastal communities can become capable fishery resource managers and that their management practices can become largely self-sustaining if the project approach focuses on assisting fishermen to learn how to help themselves. Community organization is an essential part of the process and should not be viewed as an end product in itself. There are also no quick fixes, and projects require a complex array of activities if large numbers of coastal residents are to be assisted. In some of these projects, the control of illegal fishing combined with limiting of commercial fishing to offshore areas and good coastal habitat management resulted in a doubling of daily fish catch and income for small-scale fishermen. However, even with the best of management, the total fishery harvest is limited and further increases in individual fishing income can only come from reducing total fishing effort. This will require a system of control on access to the resource to limit the number and kind of fishing gears and to divide the resource equitably. Assisting coastal communities to devise and implement realistic equitable access controls is the major challenge facing coastal resource co-management.

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The article presents the practices that have been developed or documented by SEAFDEC Aquaculture Department for farming seaweeds. These practices are: the cage culture of Kappaphycus, and the ‘rice planting’ method for cultivating Gracilaria. The seaweed gathering practices in coastal communities in western Visayas is also presented.

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Socio-economic Monitoring (SocMon) is an approach and set of tools for conducting socio-economic monitoring of changes in coastal communities. Planned outputs of the workshop included: training of local staff i SocMon methodologies; draft a SocMon report for St. Martin's Island; a workplan for implementing the SocMon; a communication strategy; and key inputs to a regional SocMon strategy

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Socio-economic Monitoring (SocMon) is an approach and set of tools for conducting socio-economic monitoring of changes in coastal communities. Key considerations included: importance of local partnerships; government and civil society partnerships; emphasis of adapting SocMon to local needs and priorities; capacity building; engaging with local stakeholders; inter and intra-regional collaboration; importance of language; and importance of language.

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Mangroves play an important role in creating habitats for a diverse community of organisms ranging from bacteria and fungi to fishes and mammals. They grow in intertidal flats, estuaries and offshore islands. In the Philippines, mangrove forests have dramatically decreased in area since the start of the century, and therefore there is a need to reforest. However, first mangrove nurseries must be established since they serve as sources of planting materials for different mangrove species. Furthermore, nurseries would mean a sustainable source of livelihood for coastal communities because of continuous demand for propagules. A brief account is given of procedures as to the establishment of a mangrove nursery, describing the construction of a nursery, preparation of potting materials, seed collection, seed sowing, and maintenance and protection. Details are provided of the most common true mangrove species in the Philippines. The mangrove nursery is a place for raising and tending seedlings until they are ready for permanent planting. The establishment of mangrove nurseries is in line with government s efforts to rehabilitate the coastal and mangrove ecosystems.