982 resultados para baptism in the Holy Spirit


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Of water or the Spirit? Uuras Saarnivaara s theology of baptism The aim of the study was to investigate PhD and ThD Uuras Saarnivaara s views on baptism as well as their possible changes and the reasons for them. Dr Saarnivaara said himself that he searched for the truth about the relationship between baptism and faith for decades, and had faltered in his views. The method of this research is systematic analysis. A close study of the source material shows that Dr Saarnivaara s views on baptism have most likely changed several times. Therefore, special attention was paid to the time periods defined by when his literary works were published. This resulted in revealing the different perspectives he had on baptism. The fact that Dr Saarnivaara worked on two continents Europe and North America added a challenge to the research process. At the beginning of the research, I described Dr Saarnivaara s phases of life and mapped out his vast literary production as well as presented his theological basis. Saarnivaara s theological view on the means of grace and their interrelation in the church was influenced by the Laestadian movement, which caused him to adopt the view that the Holy Spirit does not dwell in the means of grace, but in the believers. Thus the real presence of Christ in the means of grace is denied. God s word is divided into Biblical revelation and proclamation by believers through the means of grace. Also, the sacraments are overshadowed by the preached word. Because grace is received through the word of the gospel preached publicly or privately by a believer, the preacher s status gains importance at the expense of the actual means of grace. Saarnivaara was intrigued by the content of baptism from the time he was a student until the end of his life. As a young theologian, he would adopt the opinions of his teachers as well as the view of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland, which at the time was dominated by the pietistic movement and the teachings of J. T. Beck. After Saarnivaara had converted to the Laestadian movement, moved to the United States and started his Luther research, he adopted a view on baptism which was to a great extent in accordance with Luther and the Lutheran Symbolical Books. Saarnivaara considered his former views on baptism unbiblical and publicly apologised for them. In the 1950s, after starting his ministry within the Finnish neopietistic movements, Saarnivaara adopted a Laestadian-neopietistic doctrine of baptism. During his Beckian-pietistic era, Saarnivaara based his baptism theology on the event of the disciples of Jesus being baptised by John the Baptist, the revival of Samaria in the Book of Acts and the conversion of Cornelius and his family, all cases where the receiving of the Holy Spirit and the baptism were two separate events in time. In order to defend the theological unity of the Bible, Saarnivaara had to interpret Jesus teachings on baptism in the Gospels and the teachings of the Apostles in the New Testament letters from a viewpoint based on the three events mentioned above. During his Beckian-pietistic era, the abovementioned basic hermeneutic choice caused Saarnivaara to separate baptism by water and baptism by the Holy Spirit in his salvation theology. Simultaneously, the faith of a small child is denied, and rebirth is divided into two parts, the objective and the subjective, the latter being moved from the moment of baptism to a possible spiritual break-through at an age when the person possesses a more mature understanding. During his Laestadian-Lutheran era, Saarnivaara s theology of baptism was biblically consistent and the same for all people regardless of the person s age. Small children receive faith in baptism through the presence of Christ. The task of other people s faith is limited to the act of bringing the child to the baptism so that the child may receive his/her own faith from Christ and be born again as a child of God. The doctrine of baptism during Saarnivaara s Laestadian-neopietistic era represents in many aspects the emphases he presented during his first era, although they were now partly more radical. Baptism offers grace; it is not a means of grace. Justification, rebirth and salvation would take place later on when a person had reached an age with a more mature understanding through the word of God. A small child cannot be born again in baptism because being born again requires personal faith, which is received through hearing and understanding the law and the gospel. Saarnivaara s views on baptism during his first and third era are, unlike during his second era, quite controversial. The question of the salvation of a small child goes unanswered, or it is even denied. The central question during both eras is the demand of conversion and personal faith at a mature age. The background for this demand is in Saarnivaara s anthropology, which accentuates man s relationship to God as an intellectual and mental matter requiring understanding, and which needs no material instruments. The two first theological eras regarding Saarnivaara s doctrine of baptism lasted around ten years. The third era lasted over 40 years until his death.

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This paper explores how the architectural expression of orthodoxy in the Eastern churches was transferred to Europe before the Crusades and then reinforced through the Crusaders’ adoption of the triple-apsed east end “in the Syrian Taste” in the Holy Land. Previously, I have shown how it can be deduced from the archaeological remains of churches from the 4th-6th C that early church architecture was influenced by the theological ideas of the
period. It is proposed that the Eastern orthodox approach to church
architecture as adopted by the Crusaders paralleled the evolution of medieval theology in Europe and can be seen as its legitimate expression.

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Until recently the role of the public drinking house has been approached from elitist, folkloric and anecdotal perspectives. The work of a new generation of social historians, however, has raised the tavern’s profile in the academic consciousness and confirmed its position within the mainstream of social and cultural history. It is now recognized that an understanding of the centrality of public drinking to the development of both elite and popular culture is vital to studies of social behaviour. The study of taverns has also been at the forefront of emerging interest in the history of consumption and material culture, and has contributed to a richer understanding of economic history. Constructions of gender and identity are also visible through research into the patterns of behaviour and discourse in and around the public house. This four-volume reset edition presents a wide-ranging collection of primary sources which uncover the language and behaviour of local and state authorities, of peasants and town-dwellers, and of drinking companions and irate wives. The documents are translated and set in their social and historical context, providing a multidisciplinary collection that will be of great importance to scholars of all areas of social and cultural history of the early modern period. The vast majority of this material is published here for the first time, ensuring that the collection will open up new avenues of research. Volume 1 draws heavily from the Parisian police archives and includes inspectors’ reports, complaints by the general public and details of court cases to build a picture of drinking in early modern France. Volumes 2 and 3 address public drinking in the Holy Roman Empire through a variety of chronicles, civic ordinances, court records, travel reports and surveys of public houses. Volume 4 locates taverns within a broader analysis of America’s public houses, drawing on visual material as well as journal entries, business reports and newspaper articles. Each volume is accompanied by editorial introductions and is annotated to provide readers with a high-quality resource of scholarly material.

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Le récit de la Pentecôte (Actes des Apôtres 2) présente au lecteur un élément particulier qui se retrouve rarement dans le canon biblique : les « langues comme de feu ». Seuls les passages d’Isaïe 5,24 et Actes 2,3 utilisent cette expression; pourtant, leurs contextes diffèrent largement. Nous trouvons certains commentaires rabbiniques et fragments de rouleaux de la Mer Morte qui emploient cette même expression, et la littérature gréco-romaine utilise une image similaire où un feu divin se pose sur la tête de certains personnages. Puisque la fonction de cet élément diffère d’un ouvrage littéraire à un autre, comment devons-nous interpréter les langues de feu dans le récit de la Pentecôte? Les commentaires bibliques qui examinent cet élément proposent différentes hypothèses sur la symbolique des langues de feu. Afin de répondre à cette problématique, nous commencerons notre étude avec une présentation sur l’état de la question et des approches synchroniques utilisées. Nous présenterons ensuite l’analyse structurelle du récit de la Pentecôte afin de percevoir la place que notre expression occupe dans cette péricope. Au chapitre trois, nous ferons une analyse grammaticale de notre segment afin de voir la fonction grammaticale de l’expression, et présenter une recension des ouvrages hébraïques et gréco-romains qui utilisent cette expression ou une image similaire. Enfin, l’analyse philologique des termes γλῶσσα et πῦρ sera élaborée et comparée à l’utilisation retrouvée dans le livre des Actes des Apôtres. Subséquemment, nous serons en mesure de porter un regard critique sur quelques interprétations proposées afin de percevoir que la mise en réseau structurel du membre γλῶσσαι ὡσεὶ πυρός, avec les termes répétitifs et synonymiques du récit, nous orientent à percevoir l’accomplissement de la promesse du Saint-Esprit, qui à son tour habilite le croyant à réaliser la mission donnée : la proclamation du message christologique à toutes les ethnies.

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Le récit de la Pentecôte (Actes des Apôtres 2) présente au lecteur un élément particulier qui se retrouve rarement dans le canon biblique : les « langues comme de feu ». Seuls les passages d’Isaïe 5,24 et Actes 2,3 utilisent cette expression; pourtant, leurs contextes diffèrent largement. Nous trouvons certains commentaires rabbiniques et fragments de rouleaux de la Mer Morte qui emploient cette même expression, et la littérature gréco-romaine utilise une image similaire où un feu divin se pose sur la tête de certains personnages. Puisque la fonction de cet élément diffère d’un ouvrage littéraire à un autre, comment devons-nous interpréter les langues de feu dans le récit de la Pentecôte? Les commentaires bibliques qui examinent cet élément proposent différentes hypothèses sur la symbolique des langues de feu. Afin de répondre à cette problématique, nous commencerons notre étude avec une présentation sur l’état de la question et des approches synchroniques utilisées. Nous présenterons ensuite l’analyse structurelle du récit de la Pentecôte afin de percevoir la place que notre expression occupe dans cette péricope. Au chapitre trois, nous ferons une analyse grammaticale de notre segment afin de voir la fonction grammaticale de l’expression, et présenter une recension des ouvrages hébraïques et gréco-romains qui utilisent cette expression ou une image similaire. Enfin, l’analyse philologique des termes γλῶσσα et πῦρ sera élaborée et comparée à l’utilisation retrouvée dans le livre des Actes des Apôtres. Subséquemment, nous serons en mesure de porter un regard critique sur quelques interprétations proposées afin de percevoir que la mise en réseau structurel du membre γλῶσσαι ὡσεὶ πυρός, avec les termes répétitifs et synonymiques du récit, nous orientent à percevoir l’accomplissement de la promesse du Saint-Esprit, qui à son tour habilite le croyant à réaliser la mission donnée : la proclamation du message christologique à toutes les ethnies.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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This thesis examines the late seventh-century Latin Life of Columba (Vita Columbae) in a context sympathetic to the spiritual aims and formative intellectual background of its author, Adomnán of Iona. It argues that the Vita Columbae is a sophisticated work, shaped by Adomnán’s spiritual and theological concerns. This sophistication is revealed by a forensic examination of Adomnán’s representation of Columba’s sanctity through a series of miracles, in particular, miracle stories depicting divine manifestations of fire and light. This thesis considers the form and function of these miracle stories in the context of biblical, patristic and medieval interpretations of their archetypes, towards revealing the underlying influence of scriptural, hagiographical and monastic models of sanctity. Chapter one evaluates the function of the Vita Columbae, and outlines the core themes of sanctity which pervade the work, by considering the technical terminology and literary devices found in the opening prefaces in the context of the wider monastic tradition. Chapter two examines Adomnán’s use of biblical models of sanctity to establish Columba’s sanctity, and their relationship between these models and certain miraculous episodes in the Vita Columbae. Chapter three investigates Adomnán’s description of the Holy Spirit as an illuminating fire, and its significance for his portrayal of the saint, by means of a forensic examination of biblical, exegetical and hagiographical treatments of the image. Chapter four examines the missiological, soteriological and providential elements contributing to Adomnán’s portrayal of Columba’s sanctity, as conveyed through the presence of biblical models, particularly the image of the column of fire. Chapter five establishes the influence of monastic examinations of the contemplative life on Adomnán’s portrayal of Columba’s sanctity, and shows how that sanctity is confirmed in terms of his ability to contemplate divine light.