997 resultados para anti-feminism


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Official rates of female delinquency have been rising steadily in countries such as Australia, England, Canada and the United States since the 1960s. They have also generally been rising at a rate faster than that for boys. As yet there is little consensus about the reasons for these rises or even whether such rate rises reflect any real increase in female delinquency at all. Against this backdrop of rising official crimes rates for young women, this article revisits the various criminological explanations for these trends.

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Streptococcus pyogenes, also known as Group A Streptococcus (GAS) has been associated with a range of diseases from the mild pharyngitis and pyoderma to more severe invasive infections such as streptococcal toxic shock. GAS also causes a number of non-suppurative post-infectious diseases such as rheumatic fever, rheumatic heart disease and glomerulonephritis. The large extent of GAS disease burden necessitates the need for a prophylactic vaccine that could target the diverse GAS emm types circulating globally. Anti-GAS vaccine strategies have focused primarily on the GAS M-protein, an extracellular virulence factor anchored to GAS cell wall. As opposed to the hypervariable N-terminal region, the C-terminal portion of the protein is highly conserved among different GAS emm types and is the focus of a leading GAS vaccine candidate, J8-DT/alum. The vaccine candidate J8-DT/alum was shown to be immunogenic in mice, rabbits and the non-human primates, hamadryas baboons. Similar responses to J8-DT/alum were observed after subcutaneous and intramuscular immunization with J8-DT/alum, in mice and in rabbits. Further assessment of parameters that may influence the immunogenicity of J8-DT demonstrated that the immune responses were identical in male and female mice and the use of alum as an adjuvant in the vaccine formulation significantly increased its immunogenicity, resulting in a long-lived serum IgG response. Contrary to the previous findings, the data in this thesis indicates that a primary immunization with J8-DT/alum (50ƒÊg) followed by a single boost is sufficient to generate a robust immune response in mice. As expected, the IgG response to J8- DT/alum was a Th2 type response consisting predominantly of the isotype IgG1 accompanied by lower levels of IgG2a. Intramuscular vaccination of rabbits with J8-DT/alum demonstrated that an increase in the dose of J8-DT/alum up to 500ƒÊg does not have an impact on the serum IgG titers achieved. Similar to the immune response in mice, immunization with J8-DT/alum in baboons also established that a 60ƒÊg dose compared to either 30ƒÊg or 120ƒÊg was sufficient to generate a robust immune response. Interestingly, mucosal infection of naive baboons with a M1 GAS strain did not induce a J8-specific serum IgG response. As J8-DT/alum mediated protection has been previously reported to be due to the J8- specific antibody formed, the efficacy of J8-DT antibodies was determined in vitro and in vivo. In vitro opsonization and in vivo passive transfer confirmed the protective potential of J8-DT antibodies. A reduction in the bacterial burden after challenge with a bioluminescent M49 GAS strain in mice that were passively administered J8-DT IgG established that protection due to J8-DT was mediated by antibodies. The GAS burden in infected mice was monitored using bioluminescent imaging in addition to traditional CFU assays. Bioluminescent GAS strains including the ‘rheumatogenic’ M1 GAS could not be generated due to limitations with transformation of GAS, however, a M49 GAS strain was utilized during BLI. The M49 serotype is traditionally a ‘nephritogenic’ serotype associated with post-streptococcal glomerulonephritis. Anti- J8-DT antibodies now have been shown to be protective against multiple GAS strains such as M49 and M1. This study evaluated the immunogenicity of J8-DT/alum in different species of experimental animals in preparation for phase I human clinical trials and provided the ground work for the development of a rapid non-invasive assay for evaluation of vaccine candidates.

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Queer student activists are a visible aspect of Australian tertiary communities. Institutionally there are a number of organisations and tools representing and serving gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, intersex and ‘otherwise queer identifying’ (GLBTIQ) students. ‘Queer’ is a contentious term with meanings ranging from a complex deconstructive academic theory to a term for ‘gay’. Despite the institutional applications, the definition remains unclear and under debate. In this thesis I examine queer student activists’ production of print media, a previously under-researched area. In queer communities, print media provides crucial grounding for a model of queer. Central to identity formation and activism, this media is a site of textuality for the construction and circulation of discourses of queer student media. Thus, I investigate the various ways Australian queer student activists construct queer, queer identity, and queer activism in their print media. I use discourse analysis, participant observation and semi-structured interviews to enable a thorough investigation of both the process and the products of queer student media. My findings demonstrate that queer student activists’ politics are grounded in a range of ideologies drawing from Marxism, Feminism, Gay Liberation, Anti-assimilation and Queer Theory. Grounded in queer theoretical perspectives of performativity this research makes relatively new links between Queer Theory and Media Studies in its study of the production contexts of queer student media. In doing so, I show how the university context informs student articulations of queer, proving the necessity to locate research within its social-cultural setting. My research reveals that, much like Queer Theory, these representations of queer are rich with paradox. I argue that queer student activists are actually theorising queer. I call for a reconceptualisation of Queer Theory and question the current barriers between who is considered a ‘theorist’ of queer and who is an ‘activist’. If we can think about ‘theory’ as encompassing the work of activists, what implications might this have for politics and analysis?

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The ‘anti- of ‘(Anti)Queer’ is a queer anti. In particle physics, a domain of science which was for a long time peddled as ultimately knowable, rational and objective, the postmodern turn has made everything queer (or chaotic, as the scientific version of this turn is perhaps more commonly named). This is a world where not only do two wrongs not make a right, but a negative and positive do not calmly cancel each other out to leave nothing, as mathematics might suggest. When matter meets with anti-matter, the resulting explosion can produce not only energy - heat and light? - but new matter. We live in a world whose very basics are no longer the electron and the positron, but an ever proliferating number of chaotic, unpredictable - queer? - subatomic particles. Some are ‘charmed’, others merely ‘strange’ . Weird science indeed. The ‘Anti-’ of ‘Anti-queer’ does not place itself neatly into binaries. This is not a refutation of all that queer has been or will be. It is explicitly a confrontation, a challenge, an attempt to take seriously not only the claims made for queer but the potent contradictions and silences which stand proudly when any attempt is made to write a history of the term. Specifically, ‘Anti-Queer’ is not Beyond Queer, the title of Bruce Bawer’s 1996 book which calmly and self-confidently explains the failings of queer, extols a return to a liberal political theory of cultural change and places its own marker on queer as a movement whose purpose has been served. We are not Beyond Queer. And if we are Anti-Queer, it is only to challenge those working in the arena to acknowledge and work with some of the facts of the movement’s history whose productivity has been erased with a gesture which has, proved, bizarrely, to be reductive and homogenising.

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In pre-Fitzgerald Queensland, the existence of corruption was widely known but its extent and modes of operation were not fully evident. The Fitzgerald Report identified the need for reform of the structure, procedures and efficiency in public administration in Queensland. What was most striking in the Queensland reform process was that a new model for combatting corruption had been developed. Rather than rely upon a single law and a single institution, existing institutions were strengthened and new institutions were introduced to create a set of mutually supporting and mutually checking institutions, agencies and laws that jointly sought to improve governmental standards and combat corruption. Some of the reforms were either unique to Queensland or very rare. One of the strengths of this approach was that it avoided creating a single over-arching institution to fight corruption. There are many powerful opponents of reform. Influential institutions and individuals resist any interference with their privileges. In order to cause a mass exodus from an entrenched corruption system, a seminal event or defining process is needed to alter expectations and incentives that are sufficient to encourage significant numbers of individuals to desert the corruption system and assist the integrity system in exposing and destroying it. The Fitzgerald Inquiry was such an event. This article also briefly addresses methods for destroying national corruption systems where they emerge and exist.

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In pre-Fitzgerald Queensland, the existence of corruption was widely known but its extent and modes of operation were not fully evident. The Fitzgerald Report identified the need for reform of the structure, procedures and efficiency in public administration in Queensland. What was most striking in the Queensland reform process was that a new model for combating corruption had been developed. Rather than rely upon a single law and a single institution, existing institutions were strengthened and new institutions were instituted to create a set of mutually supporting and mutually checking institutions, agencies and laws that jointly sought to improve governmental standards and combat corruption. Some of the reforms were either unique to Queensland or very rare. One of the strengths of this approach was that it avoided creating a single overarching institution to fight corruption. There are many powerful opponents of reform. Influential institutions and individuals resist any interference with their privileges. In order to cause a mass exodus from an entrenched corruption system, a seminal event or defining process is needed to alter expectations and incentives that are sufficient to encourage significant numbers of individuals to desert the corruption system and assist the integrity system in exposing and destroying it. The Fitzgerald Inquiry was such an event. The article also briefly addresses methods for destroying national corruption system where they emerge and exist.

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This article gives an account of my experiences as a student and teacher of pornography in the UK university context. From my time as a student at Glasgow University in the late 1970s, to my classes on sexual transgression at Strathclyde in the 2000s, I trace changing attitudes to the pornographic, against the background of changing political and technological environments. The article considers the pedagogy of porn against the backdrop of pro- and anti-porn feminism, the rise of gay rights, and the impact of the internet. Under these influences, and over a period of three decades, pornography was destigmatized and redefined in a variety of contexts, from the irony of lad culture to the postmodern humour of the Graham Norton Show and the pro-porn feminism of the post-Madonna era.