Cultural impact of wireless networks:emerging experiences in the healthcare sector

Culture defines collective behavior and interactions among people in groups. In organizations, it shapes group identity, work pattern, communication schemes, and interpersonal relations. Any change in organizational culture will lead to changes in these elements of organizational factors, and vice versa. From a managerial standpoint, how to cultivate an organizational culture that would enhance these aforementioned elements in organizational workplace should thus be taken into serious consideration. Based on cases studies in two hospitals, this paper investigates how organizational culture is shaped by a particular type of information and communication technology, wireless networks, a topic that is generally overlooked by the mainstream research community, and in turn implicates how such cultural changes in organizations renovate their competitiveness in the marketplace. Lessons learned from these cases provide valuable insights to emerging IT management and culture studies in general and in wireless network management in the healthcare sector in particular.

Value and proportions of intangible assets : A comparison between the private- and the public sector

Organizations within the public- and the private sector have different aims with their accounting. Privately held organizations often have the intention to make profit, while authorities within the public sector aim to provide citizens with different services. The difference between these two sectors is also visible in the legislation, where International Accounting Standards Board set the standards for privately held organizations and Ekonomistyrningsverket do the same for the public sector. Because of the larger demand by the society for knowledge and technology, included in the category intangible assets, these are more emphasized in the accounting for organizations. Intangible assets are although linked with complexity which is associated with the measurement. The purpose of this study is therefore to see whether there are any existing differences in how to measure and value intangible assets and internally generated ones between listed companies in the private sector and authorities operating in the public sector. This study is conducted with both a qualitative and quantitative perspective. The data collected for this study is secondary, and is gathered through samples of annual reports from different companies in order to be representative for the whole population. The main results of this study is that there are differences in the measurement and valuation of intangible assets dependent on which sector an organization operates within and this is not due to the standards and regulations. The differences are visible in the percentage change in value of intangible assets since they fluctuate more heavily in the private sector than in the public sector. Simultaneously, the proportions of internally generated intangible assets compared to intangible assets in general differ between the two sectors.

The gender wage gap in the public and private sectors in Bangladesh

The gender wage gap is well studied in developed countries; however, recently it has generated much interest in developing countries. This thesis addresses three issues regarding the gender wage gap in Bangladesh. Firstly, it explores the wage determinants for formal public and private sector employees in Bangladesh and examines the gender pay gap. This is the first time different decomposition methods have been used to compare the sources of the gender wage gap as well as any potential discrimination effect in the formal sector of the Bangladeshi labour market. These decomposition methods are: the original Oaxaca (1973) and Blinder (1973) decomposition methods, the Neumark (1988), Cotton (1988), and Reimers (1983) methods, and the extended Oaxaca method including both the employment selection and the double selection correction in the wage equation. In addition to mentioned methods, to quantify the gender wage gap in monetary terms, a recently developed ‘simulated change’ approach by Olsen and Walby (2004) is also applied for the first time to the Bangladeshi data. By using the Labour Force Survey 2005-06, BBS (LFS 2005-06) data results show formal sector female employees earn about 32.1 per cent less than their male counterparts. Without considering the selection correction, a large range of human capital, demographic and labour market related variables are explained less than half of the total gender wage gap (21 to 46 per cent of the total wage gap) and the major part of the wage gap is unexplained (54 to 79 per cent of the total wage gap). This could partly be attributed to discrimination. Using the double selection correction method, the decomposition results changed where a small part of the wage gap was explained by the measured characteristics (only nine per cent of the total wage gap) and a major part is attributed to the discrimination and selection effect. The selection effect also reveals that exclusion of the double selection correction might lead to an overestimation of the gender wage gap in the formal sector of Bangladesh. In addition, results based on the Olsen and Walby (2004) simulation method show that, if the other characteristics of male and female employees were similar, ‘being female’ is sufficient, to generate significantly lower wages than males in the formal sector. If females in the workplace are treated as males, without considering any other endowment increases, females could increase their earnings by 4095.3 Taka1 per year. Results also indicate that not only endowment differences in human capital and work experience related variables were important, but discrimination appears to play a significant role in the total wage gap throughout the formal sector of the Bangladeshi labour market. Secondly, the study investigates whether public sector employees enjoyed a wage premium or not, compared to the private sector and whether the gender wage gap is greater in the public sector. In addition, the research considered whether there was an impact from the inclusion of the different selection correction terms in the wage equation. In Bangladesh, public sector employees have, on average, a 60 per cent wage premium over the private sector. Using both the original Oaxaca and the extended Oaxaca methods, where selection effect is partly captured by both explained and unexplained components, and using the public sector wage structure as the basis of the non-discriminatory wage structure, these methods revealed a considerably larger portion of explained (72 - 93 per cent of the total wage gap) and a smaller portion of unexplained part of the wage gap. However, if the selection correction is considered as another component of the decomposition outcome then the major portion of the total public and private sectors wage gap is justified (explained) by the effect of the selection correction and unexplained factors. Furthermore, a large part of the wage premium exists in favour of public sector female employees compared to males and the gender wage gap is lower in the public sector than the private sector. Finally, this study compares the gender wage gap of five different occupations. The gender wage gap is associated with labour market rigidities where one of the important factors is occupational segregation where females are disproportionately distributed in occupations resulting in lower earnings. The largest gender wage gap was found in agriculture, forestry, fisheries, production and transport labour jobs (56.4 per cent) and the lowest in the professional, technical administrative and managerial jobs (22.1 per cent). Substantial differences are found in the size of the endowment gap across occupations and larger variations occurred in the adjusted wage gap which varied from 21.4 per cent in sales and service occupations, to 100 per cent in professional and technical jobs (the highest). This too can be partly explained by discrimination. A reduction in the gender wage gap is expected not only to increase national income, but also to reduce poverty and lead to better outcomes for future generations. National policy should aim to reduce the gender wage gap and achieve gender wage equality in the formal sector; for example through a targeted program to remove the gender differences in education and to reduce the skill difference, with a better child care policy to encourage labour force retention and increased labour market experience for female employees, with anti-discriminatory policies and the enforcement of existing antidiscrimination policies, and a more equal distribution of males and females across occupations.

A responsabilidade do município no uso racional da água: possibilidade de inovação e gestão por desempenho

A água é um bem escasso, com demanda crescente tanto pelo crescimento das populações como pelo maior uso da água pelos novos processos e produtos impostos pelos padrões de conforto e bem estar da vida moderna e na produção de alimentos. Ao mesmo tempo em que aumenta a demanda de água,com seus usos múltiplos, a sua qualidade vem diminuindo pela degradação ambiental. Ouso racional da água deve ser tratado comointeresse público que se traduz na busca sistemática de diminuição dos desperdícios de água. No Brasil existem políticas públicasfederais que incluem esta preocupação, mas que devem ser aprimoradas, pois não exigem uma gestão por desempenho dos operadores dos sistemas de água. O governo local, municipal, tem dupla responsabilidade: como produtor de água, via sistemas públicos de águaecomo grande consumidor, através da rede de sistemas prediais públicos. A gestão dos desperdícios de água é focadono incentivo à cultura da medição, na prática do Balanço Hídrico dos sistemas de água, na gestão do consumo descentralizado nas unidades públicas consumidoras, e incentivos motivacionais para o melhor uso, com ênfase na transparência das informações.

Network for Cooperation in Integrated Water Resource Management for Sustainable Development in Latin America and the Caribbean No. 42

Editorial remarks.-- Open discussion: Conceptual change in regulation in a model of public service provision ; Policies and institutional frameworks for drinking water supply and sanitation ; Strategies for low-carbon development in megacities in Latin America ; Adapting to climate change in water management in the irrigation sector.-- Meetings: Towards a vision on natural resource governance for equality ; Water resources faced with uncertainty and the risk of climate change ; Regulation challenges in the water sector.-- News of the Network: Lessons to be drawn from the interprovincial Colorado River flow distribution agreement ; Rural drinking water programme in Chile ; Ecuador’s Act on Water Resources and Water Use and Exploitation.-- Internet and WWW News

An analysis of the management of a public sector project: a systems-based case study

The management of a public sector project is analysed using a model developed from systems theory. Linear responsibility analysis is used to identify the primary and key decision structure of the project and to generate quantitative data regarding differentiation and integration of the operating system, the managing system and the client/project team. The environmental context of the project is identified. Conclusions are drawn regarding the project organization structure's ability to cope with the prevailing environmental conditions. It is found that the complexity of the managing system imposed on the project was unable to achieve this and created serious deficiencies in the outcome of the project.

Water management at the river basin level: challenges in Latin America

Includes bibliography

Development Aid to Water Management in Mali: The Actors, ‘Global’ Paradigms, and ‘Local’ Translations

Development aid involves a complex network of numerous and extremely heterogeneous actors. Nevertheless, all actors seem to speak the same ‘development jargon’ and to display a congruence that extends from the donor over the professional consultant to the village chief. And although the ideas about what counts as ‘good’ and ‘bad’ aid have constantly changed over time —with new paradigms and policies sprouting every few years— the apparent congruence between actors more or less remains unchanged. How can this be explained? Is it a strategy of all actors to get into the pocket of the donor, or are the social dynamics in development aid more complex? When a new development paradigm appears, where does it come from and how does it gain support? Is this support really homogeneous? To answer the questions, a multi-sited ethnography was conducted in the sector of water-related development aid, with a focus on 3 paradigms that are currently hegemonic in this sector: Integrated Water Resources Management, Capacity Building, and Adaptation to Climate Change. The sites of inquiry were: the headquarters of a multilateral organization, the headquarters of a development NGO, and the Inner Niger Delta in Mali. The research shows that paradigm shifts do not happen overnight but that new paradigms have long lines of descent. Moreover, they require a lot of work from actors in order to become hegemonic; the actors need to create a tight network of support. Each actor, however, interprets the paradigms in a slightly different way, depending on the position in the network. They implant their own interests in their interpretation of the paradigm (the actors ‘translate’ their interests), regardless of whether they constitute the donor, a mediator, or the aid recipient. These translations are necessary to cement and reproduce the network.