Voting rights of refugees

The book develops a novel legal argument about the voting rights of recognised 1951 Geneva Convention Refugees. The main normative contention is that such refugees should have the right to vote in the political community where they reside, assuming that the political community is a democracy and that its citizens have the right to vote. The basis of this contention is that the right to political participation in some political community is a basic right from the point of view of dignity and the protection of one’s interests. Due to their unique political predicament, 1951 Geneva Convention Refugees are a special category of non-citizen residents. They are unable to participate in elections of their state of origin, do not enjoy its diplomatic protection and consular assistance abroad, and – most fundamentally – are unable or unwilling, owing to a well-founded fear of persecution, to return to it; thus, they are in limbo for a potentially protracted period. Refugees, too, deserve to have a place in the world in the Arendtian sense, where their opinions are significant and their actions are effective. Their state of asylum is, for the time being, the only community in which there is any realistic prospect of political participation on their part.

A survey study of voting behavior and political participation in Zhejiang

Two existing models are used to conceptualize the constrained and limited participation in the communist system. The mobilization model suggests that participation was so mobilized by the party/state that it was largely meaningless, while the disengagement model supports the idea that many communist citizens adopted non-participatory behaviors such as non-voting as a means of protest. This paper attempts to demonstrate the importance of a third model – the emergent democratic culture model. The survey results show that the participation index is in proportion to the number of elections in which a villager is involved; and a growing number of voters in Zhejiang are developing citizen-initiated participation, with rights consciousness.

This research finds that the level of participation is influenced by three major factors: the perceived worth of the election itself, regularity of electoral procedures, and the fairness of electoral procedures. It also finds that parochial political culture and political apathy still exist, and the emergent democratic consciousness falls short of an ideal democratic standard. While a highly democratic culture helps to develop village democracy, the apathetic attitude continues to support the authoritarian leadership and structure in many villages. The paper also gives an account of survey research in rural China and offers a thoughtful critique of the use of voting and non-voting as the sole indicator of political participation.

An experiment using ICT to investigate pure voting power

We present an experiment to evaluate the accuracy of power indices by measuring the political power embodied in blocks of votes per se. The experiment incorporates several players interacting in lCT chat rooms under supervision. The chat rooms and the selection process reduce or eliminate other political forces leaving logroIIing as the primary political force.

An experimental investigation of pure voting power

We evaluate the accuracy of power indices by experimentally measuring the political power embodied in blocks of votes per se.  The experiment incorporates several players interacting in online chat rooms under supervision.  The chat rooms and the selection process reduce or eliminate extraneous political forces leaving logrolling as the primary political force.  Results show that two standard power indices reflect voting power while other power indices and proportionality do not.

The Influence of Gender and Facial Appearance on Voting Practices

Women’s faces tend to naturally retain more neonate features than men. These features, such as a greater eye height, a smaller nose area, and a wider smile, would cause women to have more immature faces than males. Interestingly, women who have these facial features are often perceived as more attractive than women with mature facial features. These findings imply that women would be judged less competent than men, and that immature-faced women would be perceived as less competent and more attractive than mature-faced females. Given the direction of political leadership in our country, this has interesting implications for females that are vying for leadership positions. Thus, our study examined the effects of both candidate gender and facial features on voting likelihood, and perceptions of attractiveness and competence, by pairing pictures with neutral party platforms.

Women, minorities, and proportional representation in Parliament : a proposal for voting reform

The right to vote permits the voices of the electorate to be heard in democracies. However, voting is often insufficient for minorities to obtain representation by their preferred candidates. For traditional political ‘minorities’ including women, self-representation is essential to political equality and social equity. Despite holding roughly 50% of the electoral vote in Australia for 100 years, women comprise only 22% of the Commonwealth Members and 29% of Senators. This paper proposes a new vote counting system, STV with Borda elimination or STV-B. STV-B retains proportional representation but much greater voter control over selection of candidates. STV-B would provide women with a mechanism that yields proportional representation for women without undermining party representation.

Standard voting power indices work : an experimental investigation of pure voting power

We evaluate power indices by experimentally measuring the political power embodied in blocks of votes per se. Subjects with differing votes divide a fixed purse by majority rule in online chat rooms under supermision. Chat rooms and processes for selecting subjects reduce or eliminate extraeous political forces leaving logrolling as the primary political force. Results show that various power indices bracket voting power which is more than proportionally concentrated in large players.

Young adult voting decision-making: Studying the effect of usage from a consumer behaviour perspective

This study investigates the application of consumer behaviour theory to young Australian adults’ voting decision-making. Previous decision-making studies identified constructs of subjective knowledge, involvement, information seeking, satisfaction, confidence, and stability as key factors in voting decision-making. This research tests the relationship that these factors have with the consumer behaviour concept of usage. A new concept, commitment to vote, is also considered for Australia’s compulsory voting context. Data were gathered from a sample of 257 Australian citizens between the ages of 18 and 25. Exploratory factor analysis produced nine factors, and MANOVA and ANOVA were used to test the differences between three usage groups: voluntary users, involuntary users, and never trieds. The results illustrate that usage has a significant influence on information seeking, commitment to voting, satisfaction with voting choice, and stability in voting decision-making. Therefore, usage is a key element in voter decision-making and needs to be included in future studies.

Mining mechanism of top-k influential nodes based on voting algorithm in mobile social networks

In recent years, evaluating the influence of nodes and finding top-k influential nodes in social networks, has drawn a wide attention and has become a hot-pot research issue. Considering the characteristics of social networks, we present a novel mechanism to mine the top-k influential nodes in mobile social networks. The proposed mechanism is based on the behaviors analysis of SMS/MMS (simple messaging service / multimedia messaging service) communication between mobile users. We introduce the complex network theory to build a social relation graph, which is used to reveal the relationship among people's social contacts and messages sending. Moreover, intimacy degree is also introduced to characterize social frequency among nodes. Election mechanism is hired to find the most influential node, and then a heap sorting algorithm is used to sort the voting results to find the k most influential nodes. The experimental results show that the mechanism can finds out the most influential top-k nodes efficiently and effectively. © 2013 IEEE.

The Hotelling–Downs model with runoff voting

We consider the Hotelling–Downs model with n⩾3n⩾3 office-seeking candidates and runoff voting. We show that Nash equilibria in pure strategies always exist and that there are typically multiple equilibria, both convergent (all candidates are located at the median) and divergent (candidates locate at distinct positions), though only divergent equilibria are robust to free entry. Moreover, two-policy equilibria exist under any distribution of votersʼ ideal policies, while equilibria with more than two policies exist generically but under restrictive conditions that we characterize.