PARTICIPATORY PLANNING PILOT CASE STUDY IN CHINA: REALITY, CHALLENGES & LESSONS LEARNED FROM US

Urban planning in China is in a period of change, where participatory planning may supplement the traditional planning system. Since the beginning of the 21st century, several pilot participatory planning projects have responded to the new challenge. The author collected eight cases from the Chinese planning institution to explore the possible models of and barriers to participatory planning. On the other hand, public participation has been a concrete component of planning and implementation process in the United States. The author will also elaborate on one practical case of the planning process in the United States to compare the two countries on planning methods and barriers.

Australia, the United States and a 'China growing strong': managing conflict avoidance

How to deal with a rising China constitutes one of the most seminal challenges facing the ANZUS alliance since its inception a half a century ago. Australia must reconcile its geography and economic interests in Asia with its post-war strategic and historic cultural orientation towards the United States. It must succeed in this policy task without alienating either Beijing or Washington in the process. The extent to which this is achieved will shape Australia's national security posture for decades to come. Three specific components of the 'Sino-American-Australian' triangle are assessed here: the future of Taiwan, the American development of a National Missile Defence (NMD), and the interplay between Sino-American power balancing and multilateral security politics. The policy stakes for Australia and for the continued viability of ANZUS are high in all three policy areas as a new US Administration takes office in early 2001. The article concludes that Australia's best interest is served by applying deliberate modes of decisionmaking in its own relations with both China and the US and by facilitating consistent and systematic dialogue and consultations with both of those great powers on key strategic issues.

Cost of malaria control in China: Henan's consolidation programme from community and government perspectives

Objective To assist with strategic planning for the eradication,of malaria in Henan Province, China, which reached the consolidation phase of malaria control in 1992, when only 318 malaria cases were reported, Methods We conducted a prospective two-year study of the costs for Henan's malaria control programme. We used a cost model that could also be applied to other malaria programmes in-mainland China, and analysed the cost of the three components of Henan's malaria programme. suspected malaria case management,, vector surveillance,,and population blood surveys. Primary cost data were collected from the government, and data on suspected malaria patient's were collected in two malaria counties (population 2 093 100). We enlisted the help of 260 village doctors. in six-townships or former communities (population 247 762), and studied all 12 315 reported cases of suspected malaria in catchment areas in 1994 and 1995. Findings The average-annual government investment in malaria control was estimated to be US$ 111 516 (case-management 59%; active blood surveys 25%;vector surveillance 12%; and contingencies and special projects 4%). The average cost (direct and indirect) for-patients seeking-treatment for suspected malaria was US$ 3.48, equivalent,to 10 days' income for rural residents. Each suspected malaria case cost the government an, average of US$ 0.78. Conclusion Further cuts in government funding will increase future costs, when epidemic malaria returns; investment in malaria control should therefore continue at least at current levels,of US$ 0.03 per person a risk.

Global trade in GM food and the cartagena protocol on biosafety: Consequences for China

The UN Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety adopted in Montreal, 29 January, 2000 and opened for signature in Nairobi, 15-26 May, 2000 will exert a profound effect on international trade in genetically modified organisms (GMOs) and their products. In this paper, the potential effects of various articles of the Protocol on international trade in GMOs are analyzed. Based on the present status of imports of GMOs and domestic research and development of biotechnology in China, likely trends in imports of foreign GM food and related products after China accedes to WTO is explored. Also, China's potential countermeasures to control and regulate imports of GMOs in line with implementation of the Protocol are discussed. China, in recent times, has increased its food and agricultural imports substantially from USA and Canada. China imported soybean 10.42 mill. tons in 2000 and about 15 mill tons in 2001, of which majority are from USA where GM soybean accounts for 60%. The plantation of US Monsanto's transgenic Bt cotton was increased to more than 1 million ha in China in 2001. Though China has paid great attention to develop biotechnology, it appears to have little scope to export GMOs and GM products. So China may consider a range of administrative measures to implement the Cartagena Protocol and to regulate its import of GMOs and GM agricultural products. Consequently, the Regulation on Safety of Agri-GMOs was issued on June, 2001 and followed three detailed rules issued in Jan. of 2002, with a priority to limit foreign GMOs importing by safety certification and labeling system. These were outlined taking into account policies adopted in Western countries such as green barriers to international trade.

Mao's steps in Monroe's backyard: towards a United States-China hegemonic struggle in Latin America?

Contrary to what could be expected given the United States' historical hegemony of Latin America, growing Chinese influence in this region has not led to a dispute between China and the US. Despite activism of hard-line groups in the United States, both parties have faced the issue with noticeable pragmatism. This attitude could be explained by three variables: the US political negligence towards Latin America in the Post-Cold War, the focus of Sino-Latin American relations on economic rather than geopolitical or ideological affairs, and the scanty relevance of the region in the top priorities of overall Washington-Beijing relations.

A comunicação intercultural ao nível da intervenção pedagógica no ensino do português como língua estrangeira a alunos chineses na China

A globalização aproxima os povos: o mundo chinês e o mundo português nunca tiveram uma relação tão estreita como a atual. Apesar de os portugueses terem ido os primeiros ocidentais a entrar na China com a chegada de Jorge Álvares a uma ilha chinesa, em 1513, e os últimos ocidentais a deixar o governo de um território chinês, com a transferência da administração portuguesa de Macau para a China a 20 de dezembro de 1999, nunca haviam sido registados, nos últimos séculos, grandes contatos ou intercâmbios comerciais e culturais entre a China e Portugal e entre o mundo chinês e o mundo lusófono, em comparação com os contatos entre o mundo chinês e outros mundos ocidentais: como o inglês, o francês, o alemão e o espanhol. Os objetivos gerais desta investigação são três: 1 - Reconhecer o papel do desenvolvimento da competência omunicativa intercultural no contexto do ensino-aprendizagem do português como LE na China. 2 - Promover o desenvolvimento da competência comunicativa intercultural dos alunos chineses no processo de aprendizagem da língua portuguesa na China. 3 - Analisar os métodos pedagógicos e de integração curricular para apoiar e desenvolver um ensino mais eficaz do português como LE na China. O desenvolvimento do nosso trabalho articula-se em duas áreas científicas: Ciências da Linguagem e Ciências da Educação. A abordagem metodológica utilizada é o estudo de caso, com recolha de dados primários realizada através de questionários, entrevistas e observação participante em profundidade, que permitiu a confirmação e/ou refutação das hipóteses levantadas, privilegiando a metodologia qualitativa. Os resultados permitem estabelecer uma relação significativa, do ponto de vista pedagógico, entre a comunicação intercultural na educação e as práticas pedagógicas desenvolvidas no ensino do português como língua estrangeira na China. Contudo e de acordo com a nossa pesquisa, o maior problema que impede as práticas pedagógicas para desenvolver as competências comunicativas no ensino, é a falta de materiais didáticos com estrutura para elaborar um programa de atividades coerentes e complementares nas aulas.

Railway Wagon Market Analysis and New Multi-Purpose Wagon Solution for Freight Transports - Finnish Manufacturing Perspective

Rautateillä käytettävät tavaravaunut ovat vanhenemassa hyvin nopeasti; tämä koskee niin Venäjää, Suomea, Ruotsia kuin laajemminkin Eurooppaa. Venäjällä ja Euroopassa on käytössä runsaasti vaunuja, jotka ovat jo ylittäneet niille suositeltavan käyttöiän. Silti niitä käytetään kuljetuksissa, kun näitä korvaavia uusia vaunuja ei ole tarpeeksi saatavilla. Uusimmat vaunut ovat yleensä vaunuja vuokraavien yritysten tai uusien rautatieoperaattorien hankkimia - tämä koskee erityisesti Venäjää, jossa vaunuvuokraus on noussut erittäin suosituksi vaihtoehdoksi. Ennusteissa kerrotaan vaunupulan kasvavan ainakin vuoteen 2010 saakka. Jos rautateiden suosio rahtikuljetusmuotona kasvaa, niin voimistuva vaunukysyntä jatkuu huomattavan paljon pidemmän aikaa. Euroopan ja Venäjän vaunukannan tilanne näkyy myös sitä palvelevan konepajateollisuuden ongelmina - yleisesti ottaen alan eurooppalaiset yritykset ovat heikosti kannattavia ja niiden liikevaihto ei juuri kasva, venäläiset ja ukrainalaiset yritykset ovat olleet samassa tilanteessa, joskin aivan viime vuosina tilanne on osassa kääntynyt paremmaksi. Kun näiden maanosien yritysten liikevaihtoa, voittoa ja omistaja-arvoa verrataan yhdysvaltalaisiin kilpailijoihin, huomataan että jälkimmäisten suoriutuminen on huomattavan paljon parempaa, ja näillä yrityksillä on myös kyky maksaa osinkoja omistajilleen. Tutkimuksen tarkoituksena oli kehittää uuden tyyppinen kuljetusvaunu Suomen, Venäjän sekä mahdollisesti myös Kiinan väliseen liikenteeseen. Vaunutyypin tarkoituksena olisi kyetä toimimaan monikäyttöisenä, niin raaka-aineiden kuin konttienkin kuljetuksessa, tasapainottaen kuljetusmuotojen aiheuttamaa kuljetuspaino-ongelmaa. Kehitystyön pohjana käytimme yli 1000 venäläisen vaunutyypin tietokantaa, josta valitsimme Data Envelopment Analysis -menetelmällä soveliaimmat vaunut kontinkuljetukseen (lähemmin tarkastelimme n. 40 vaunutyyppiä), jättäen mahdollisimman vähän tyhjää tilaa junaan, mutta silti kyeten kantamaan valitun konttilastin. Kun kantokykyongelmia venäläisissä vaunuissa ei useinkaan ole, on vertailu tehtävissä tavarajunan pituuden ja kokonaispainon perusteella. Simuloituamme yhdistettyihin kuljetuksiin soveliasta vaunutyyppiä käytännössä löytyvässä kuljetusverkostossa (esim. raakapuuta Suomeen tai Kiinaan ja kontteja takaisin Venäjän suuntaan), huomasimme lyhemmän vaunupituuden sisältävän kustannusetua, erityisesti raakaainekuljetuksissa, mutta myös rajanylityspaikkojen mahdollisesti vähentyessä. Lyhempi vaunutyyppi on myös joustavampi erilaisten konttipituuksien suhteen (40 jalan kontin käyttö on yleistynyt viime vuosina). Työn lopuksi ehdotamme uuden vaunutyypin tuotantotavaksi verkostomaista lähestymistapaa, jossa osa vaunusta tehtäisiin Suomessa ja osa Venäjällä ja/tai Ukrainassa. Vaunutyypin tulisi olla rekisteröity Venäjälle, sillä silloin sitä voi käyttää Suomen ja Venäjän, kuten myös soveltuvin osin Venäjän ja Kiinan välisessä liikenteessä.

China's 'Assertive’ South China Sea Policy And Rhetoric: Proactive, Reactive Or Myth?

In March 2010, Chinese State Councillor, Dai Bingguo, in a private meeting with US Deputy Secretary of State, James Steinberg, allegedly referred to the South China Sea (SCS) as one of the country’s ‘core interests’, a term normally only used to refer to regions like Taiwan, Tibet and Xinjiang upon whose sovereignty Beijing will make no compromises. This alleged wording by Mr Dai caused a strong global reaction, with many countries around the world expressing a fear that China, on the back of its rise to the status of the world's second largest economic power, was now about to implement a more assertive foreign policy more in keeping with its new status of global superpower. As the use of the term ‘core interest’ took place in a private meeting and appears to have been subsequently leaked, it is impossible to prove what was said or meant, yet in 2011, with China and the US continuing to eye each other with suspicion, the adverse repercussions of people trying to deduce what was meant are undeniable. By analysing the views of experts and the evolution or otherwise of Chinese rhetoric and policy towards the SCS, this thesis will show how the alleged use of a term in a private meeting can have consequences that far exceed what was originally intended. It will also show that it is highly unlikely that China’s maritime policy is becoming more assertive as, at China's present stage of social and economic development, it simply cannot afford the ill will and adverse consequences that would result from an act of international aggression. It will show how easy it seems to be for a country like the US to project a misleading image of another country’s intentions, which can in turn serve partially to mask its own intentions. Finally, it will show that the China’s stance on the SCS is starting to be seen by the world as a litmus test for the assertiveness of overall Chinese foreign policy.

Open Environmental Information Upon Disclosure Request in China: The Paradox of Legal Mobilization

Taking a realist view that law is one form of politics, this dissertation studies the roles of citizens and organizations in mobilizing the law to request government agencies to disclose environmental information in China, and during this process, how the socio-legal field interacts with the political-legal sphere, and what changes have been brought about during their interactions. This work takes a socio-legal approach and applies methodologies of social science and legal analysis. It aims to understand the paradox of why and how citizens and entities have been invoking the law to access environmental information despite the fact that various obstacles exist and the effectiveness of the new mechanism of environmental information disclosure still remains low. The study is largely based on the 28 cases and eight surveys of environmental information disclosure requests collected by the author. The cases and surveys analysed in this dissertation all occurred between May 2008, when the OGI Regulations and the OEI Measures came into effect, and August 2012 when the case collection was completed. The findings of this study have shown that by invoking the rules of law made by the authorities to demand government agencies disclosing environmental information, the public, including citizens, organizations, law firms, and the media, have strategically created a repercussive pressure upon the authorities to act according to the law. While it is a top-down process that has established the mechanism of open government information in China, it is indeed the bottom-up activism of the public that makes it work. Citizens and organizations’ use of legal tactics to push government agencies to disclose environmental information have formed not only an end of accessing the information but more a means of making government agencies accountable to their legal obligations. Law has thus played a pivotal role in enabling citizen participation in the political process. Against the current situation in China that political campaigns, or politicization, from general election to collective actions, especially contentious actions, are still restrained or even repressed by the government, legal mobilization, or judicialization, that citizens and organizations use legal tactics to demand their rights and push government agencies to enforce the law, become de facto an alternative of political participation. During this process, legal actions have helped to strengthen the civil society, make government agencies act according to law, push back the political boundaries, and induce changes in the relationship between the state and the public. In the field of environmental information disclosure, citizens and organizations have formed a bottom-up social activism, though limited in scope, using the language of law, creating progressive social, legal and political changes. This study emphasizes that it is partial and incomplete to understand China’s transition only from the top-down policy-making and government administration; it is also important to observe it from the bottom-up perspective that in a realistic view law can be part of politics and legal mobilization, even when utterly apolitical, can help to achieve political aims as well. This study of legal mobilization in the field of environmental information disclosure also helps us to better understand the function of law: law is not only a tool for the authorities to regulate and control, but inevitably also a weapon for the public to demand government agencies to work towards their obligations stipulated by the laws issued by themselves.

Analyse géographique des investissements internationaux de la China National Petroleum Corporation

Ce mémoire propose une analyse de l’expansion internationale de la China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) et des impacts de cette expansion sur la sécurité énergétique de la Chine. Dans le cadre de cette recherche, l’approvisionnement énergétique d’un pays est jugé sécuritaire lorsqu’une quantité suffisante de ressources nécessaires pour combler sa demande en énergie sont présentes, disponibles et accessibles et que son approvisionnement en services énergétiques demeure fiable et abordable. La recherche comporte quatre volets. Le premier volet porte sur les étapes de la restructuration de l’industrie pétrolière chinoise depuis 1949. Celle-ci est analysée au travers des changements dans les modes de gestion des compagnies pétrolières nationales et dans leurs relations avec le gouvernement chinois. Le deuxième volet traite de la diversification et des nouvelles spécialisations de CNPC. Ces aspects sont étudiés dans le cadre d’une analyse du pourcentage de ses actifs dans chaque segment industriel (aval, intermédiaire et amont) obtenus grâce à ses rapports annuels. Le troisième volet aborde la répartition géographique des activités de la compagnie que l’on étudie à l’aide d’une analyse approfondie de près de 150 investissements, acquisitions et contrats réalisés à l’étranger entre 1992 et 2014. Le quatrième volet aborde les impacts des investissements à l’étranger de la compagnie sur la sécurité énergétique de la Chine. Ces impacts sont mesurés par l’entremise d’une analyse des flux pétroliers internationaux vers la Chine que l’on compare à la production de CNPC par pays. Ce mémoire permet de déterminer que l’expansion internationale de CNPC sert d’abord et avant tout les intérêts économiques de la compagnie. Ce sont surtout ses investissements dans la construction d’infrastructures de transport (oléoducs, gazoducs ainsi que les usines et terminaux de liquéfaction de gaz naturel liquéfié) qui apportent des bénéfices directs à la sécurité énergétique de la Chine. La contribution des investissements dans les autres secteurs est beaucoup moins systématique et dépend largement de la période au cours de laquelle ils ont été effectués.

Incidencia de la política exterior de China y la Federación Rusa en el mantenimiento del desarrollo de armas nucleares y enriquecimiento de uranio iraníes, durante la primera administración del Presidente Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (2002-2005)

El giro que el sistema internacional dio tras los atentados perpetrados el 11 de septiembre de 2001 fue de enorme importancia para la política exterior de Irán y su posicionamiento en el sistema internacional. En efecto, la lucha guerra contra el terrorismo que Estados Unidos inició y que finalmente desembocaría en las incursiones armadas a Afganistán e Irak -ambos países limítrofes de Irán, en 2001 y 2003 respectivamente, así como la inclusión de Irán por parte de la administración Bush en 2002 como parte del denominado Eje del mal, generaron en el imaginario iraní una idea de amenaza internacional y por lo mismo, la necesidad de hacerse fuerte con el fin de mantener su integridad territorial y gubernamental. Así pues, una compleja situación económica y social sumada a una fuerte coalición del partido conservador iraní -uno de los más fuertes del país, soportado por el Ayatolá Alí Jamenei, autoridad suprema de la nueva República, un nuevo líder de corte conservador, llegaría a la presidencia: Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, un líder controversial y problemático que desde su primera campaña presidencial en 2002 defendería el derecho de la República a desarrollar armas nucleares para fines pacíficos. El verdadero inconveniente surge cuando occidente, en cabeza de los Estados Unidos –en compañía de algunas potencias europeas como lo son Alemania, Francia y Gran Bretaña, duda sobre esta última afirmación. Esta investigación pretende profundizar cada uno de los elementos anteriormente mencionados así como establecer la forma en la cual China y Rusia –países que ven de forma diferenciada el manejo de arsenal nuclear, logran configurarse y acreditar este desafío ante la comunidad internacional.

Análisis del proceso de transformación de la política china, a traves del modelo de apertura económica

Este trabajo analiza el proceso vivido por la República Popular de China después de 1976, bajo el modelo de Apertura Económica implementado por Deng Xiaoping, las razones que llevaron al Estado a implementar un sistema de Mercado con características propias de China y el papel que jugó los Estados Unidos y los Organismos Internacionales en este proceso, bajo el modelo de Interdependencia Compleja

La actuación de la República de China (Taiwán) como Estado de Facto en el Sistema Internacional, periodo 1971 - 2011

El presente es un estudio de caso que busca encontrarle significado a la actuación de la República de China (Taiwán) como Estado de Facto en el Sistema Internacional, durante el periodo 1971 – 2011. El estudio se centra en las formas de validación jurídicas que le permiten a Taiwán interactuar con otros actores en el Sistema Internacional.

Analisis de la politica exterior china para Africa Subsahariana en materia politica y energetica. Una aproximacion a la relacion sino sudanesa. Periodo 1996 - 2005

Este trabajo explica las razones por las cuales China se estrecha sus vinculos con Afirca. El tema principal es el inicio de la relacion sino-sudanesa y la evolucion de esta hasta el fin de la guerra civil en Sudan.

Perfiles de mercado de las 22 provincias de China

El presente trabajo investigativo constituye una herramienta de consulta para las personas y organizaciones interesadas en conocer el panorama actual de la situación comercial entre China y Colombia en busca de toma de decisiones acertadas en materia de negocios entre ambas naciones. En él se analizan en detalle cada una de las veintidós provincias de la República Popular China; en cuanto a panorama general; logística aérea, terrestre y marítima; partidas arancelarias y Top 10 de los productos importados por cada una de ellas desde Colombia. Este trabajo está enfocado en el estudio del comercio desde Colombia hacia China, actualizado al año 2012 y busca enseñar los productos líderes de importación, al igual que aquellos productos potenciales; de acuerdo a la información de su valor en dólares, su porcentaje de participación en el total importado y su comportamiento histórico en los últimos tres años. Así mismo se analizan los principales países proveedores de cada provincia y las diferentes partidas arancelarias a profundidad. Finalmente, se espera que el presente trabajo abra las puertas a un nuevo panorama acerca de oportunidades de negocio y alternativas comerciales a productos colombianos en China.