961 resultados para Thirty Years War
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Mode of access: Internet.
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"Printed from the acting copy, with remarks ... First performed at the Adelphi Theatre, on Monday, December 3d, 1827. Embellished with a fine engraving, by Welch, from a drawing by Seymour."
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Több mint harminc év telt el Kornai János Anti-equilibrium című könyvének megjelenése óta. Ez volt az első mű a nemzetközi irodalomban, amely átfogóan bírálta az általános egyensúlyelméletet, mégpedig Debreu értékelméletén és az Arrow-Debreu modellen keresztül. A kritikára legélesebben Frank H. Hahn reagált, amire Kornai - fenntartva korábbi bírálatainak többségét - a közelmúltban megjelent önéletrajzában tért vissza. E cikkben elmélettörténeti előzményekkel együtt rekonstruáljuk a Kornai-Hahn-vita főbb pontjait, és megvizsgáljuk a kritikák és riposztok érvényességét. Látni fogjuk, hogy a legújabb közgazdasági elméletek nem mindenben igazolták Hahn ellenvetéseit. _______________ More than thirty years have passed since János Kornai s book Anti-Equilibrium appeared. This was the first work in international literature to criticize comprehensively the general theory of equilibrium, moreover through the value theory of Debreu and the Arrow-Debreu Model. The sharpest reaction to the criticism came from Frank H. Hahn, and Kornai returned to this in his recent autobiography. This article reconstructs the main points in the Kornai-Hahn debate, including its antecedents in the history of theory, and examines the validity of the criticisms and ripostes. It will be seen that Hahn s objections have not been endorsed in every respect by the latest economic theories.
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Ireland’s Old English merchants, and especially those of the Pale, provided the English crown with vital material supplies, finance and intelligence throughout the Nine Years’ War (1594–1603). Yet, surviving official correspondence criticised the mercantile community for providing weak support and accused its members of favouring the queen’s Irish enemies. The reality was that they did both, but their reasons for doing so were complicated. Too often described as a homogenous group, Old English merchants did not all share the same economic ambitions, political views or faith. Examining the specific actions of certain individuals alongside those of the wider community provides a fresh angle on the conflict and sheds new light on the role of Old English merchants.
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Existing evidence pertaining to Ireland’s Nine Years’ War (1594–1603) strongly lends itself to the impression that the majority of Old English Palesmen, at least those of higher social status, chose to support the English crown during this conflict rather than their co-religionist Gaelic Irish countrymen. Loyalties, however, were anything but straightforward and could depend on any number of cultural values, social concerns, and economic incentives. Nevertheless, James Fitzpiers Fitzgerald, a ‘Bastard Geraldine’ who served as sheriff of Kildare, seemed to have been driven by a genuine sense of duty to the English crown and establishment. With the outbreak of hostilities in the 1590s, Fitzpiers proved to be a devout crown servitor, risking life and limb to confront the English queen’s Irish enemies. But, in late 1598 he suddenly, and somewhat inexplicably, threw his lot in with the Irish confederacy, defying the government he had once championed. During the ensuing investigation, the Dublin administration accumulated much damning evidence against Fitzpiers, including a patriotic plea from rebel leader Hugh O’Neill which urged Fitzpiers to defend his Irish homeland from the oppressions of English Protestant rule. Yet, at the very same time, a counter case was made by Fitzpiers’s controversial English friend, Captain Thomas Lee, which argued that Fitzpiers’s actions were more loyal than anyone could have imagined. Through an examination of Fitzpiers’s perplexing case, this paper will explore the complicated nature of allegiances in 1590s Ireland and how loyalties were not always what they seemed.
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This thesis examines the early stages of the transformation of emblematic political prints into political caricature from the beginning of the Seven Years' War (1756) to the Treaty of Paris, which ended the American Revolutionary War (1783). Both contextual and iconographical issues are investigated in relation to the debates occasioned by Britain's imperial project, which marked a period of dramatic expansion during the Seven Years' War, and ended with the loss of the American colonies, consequently framing this thesis as a study of political prints during the rise and fall of the so-called 'First British Empire'. Previous studies of eighteenth-century political prints have largely ignored the complex and lengthy evolutionary process by which the emblematic mode amalgamated with caricatural representation, and have consequently concluded that political prints excluded emblems entirely by the end of the 1770s. However, this study emphasizes the significance of the Wilkite movement for the promotion and preservation of emblems, and investigates how pictorial political argument was perceived and received in eighteenth-century British society, arguing that wider tastes and opinions regarding the utilization of political prints gradually shifted to accept both modes of representation. Moreover, the marketplace, legal status, topicality, and manufacturing methods of political prints are analyzed in terms of understanding the precarious nature of their consumption and those that endeavoured to engage in political printmaking. The evolution, establishment, and subsequent appropriation of pictorial tropes is discussed from the early modern period to the beginning of the so-called Golden Age of caricature, while tracing the adaptation of representational models in American colonial prints that employed emblems already entrenched in British pictorial political debate. Political prints from the two largest print collections, the British Museum and the Lewis Walpole Library at Yale are consulted, along with a number of eighteenth-century newspapers and periodicals, to develop the earlier research by M. Dorothy George, Charles Press, Herbert Atherton, Diana Donald, Amelia Rauser, and Eirwen Nicholson.
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Part 1: Introduction
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A principios de la década de los 80' la ciudad de Málaga, con un centro histórico totalmente degradado, y un puerto, aún sin hacer frente a la demanda de contenedores y cruceros, deciden embaucarse en el desarrollo de un Plan Especial. Este plan permitiría por un lado que el puerto se modernizara y pudiera ser competitivo, liberando los muelles más próximos a la ciudad y adentrándose en el mar; y por otro lado que esos muelles liberados de actividad portuaria pudieran transformarse en terciario para la regeneración del centro histórico tal y como había ocurrido en Baltimore y otras tantas ciudades que habían adaptado ese modelo. Sin embargo, esto que en un principio parecía resolver los problemas de ambas realidades, dio lugar a más de 25 años de discusiones y propuestas distantes. Durante este largo periodo el Plan se quedó obsoleto. El tiempo de aprobación del Plan superó la previsión del mismo. Cuando llegaron a un acuerdo, tanto el puerto como la ciudad ya se habían desarrollado paralelamente, tanto en el tiempo como en el espacio, pero sin ninguna relación. Esto mismo se reflejaba en el Plan acordado que se limitaba a los muelles, sin relacionarse ni con la dársena ni con la ciudad. Sin embargo, a pesar de la discordancia, los ciudadanos han ido conquistando ambos terrenos, y aunque no existe ninguna continuidad física ni funcional, han sido ellos mismos los que han conseguido la integración del puerto-ciudad.
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Turbulences et changements institutionnels au sein de la Société internationale : une perspective historique Cette recherche puise ses origines du constat que la présente société internationale apparaît plus que jamais mal outillée et en perte de légitimité pour gérer les nouveaux déséquilibres qui ébranlent sa sécurité. Nous voulons vérifier si les présentes difficultés à gérer l’ordre interétatique sont des signes précurseurs d’une période de turbulences systémiques qui ébranleraient ses fondations. Nous avançons comme principale hypothèse de recherche qu’une perte de légitimité dans les mécanismes d’ordre d’une société westphalienne engendre une période plus ou moins longue de turbulences systémiques, provoquant un retour à l’antihégémonie caractérisée par l’établissement d’un nouvel ordre sociétal. Pour vérifier cette hypothèse, nous nous associons au cadre théorique de l’École anglaise qui analyse les relations interétatiques en qualifiant le caractère de l’ordre qui les gouverne. Ses adeptes y parviennent en étudiant les forces qui engendrent le maintien d’un environnement international antihégémonique, ainsi que la nature des réciprocités interétatiques qui s’en dégage. Ainsi, en observant les diverses institutions créées pour gérer l’ordre, ils sont en mesure de mieux comprendre l’évolution, la diffusion et la pérennisation de l’établissement d’une société des États. Cette approche nous a permis de construire un modèle explicatif pour notre dynamique sociétale. Par la suite, afin de répondre à notre questionnement initial, nous proposons d’analyser le statut de diverses sociétés internationales lors d’époques caractérisées par une période systémique de grands chaos, suivie du retour d’un régime sociétal. Nous cherchons à établir si des analogies peuvent être faites sur leur processus de transformation pour, par la suite, vérifier si elles peuvent s’appliquer à la nature du changement qui s’opère dans la présente société internationale. L’analyse historique comparative s’avère un instrument tout désigné pour ce type de recherche. Les époques sélectionnées pour notre recherche couvrent la Guerre de Trente Ans, les Guerres napoléoniennes et la Première Guerre mondiale. La nature antihégémonique d’une société des États, en plus de maintenir un environnement anarchique, crée un climat de rivalités qui entraîne un processus de transformations dans la dynamique de l’ordre. Ce facteur de changement fut introduit sous le concept de progrès sociétal, lequel engendre une désuétude institutionnelle dans les mécanismes de l’ordre sociétal, pouvant entraîner une période de turbulences systémiques. Ainsi, pour mieux observer ce phénomène, nous avons adopté les institutions comme outils d’analyse. Elles nous permettent d’être plus critiques des phénomènes observés, tout en nous autorisant à les comparer entre elles, en raison de leur longévité. Nos recherches révèlent la pérennité d’une dynamique de transformation au sein des sociétés westphaliennes, dont la nature entraîne des déséquilibres sociétaux qui varient selon son intensité. Nous observons aussi que, malgré l’égalité légale que confère la souveraineté aux États, les Grandes puissances sont les principaux artisans d’un système international. Leur aptitude à l’unilatéralisme fut souvent associée à l’émergence de turbulences systémiques. Nos recherches montrent que l’interdépendance et la coopération interétatique sont aussi alimentées par la diffusion et le partage d’une économie libérale. C’est aussi cette même interdépendance qui, progressivement, rend la guerre entre Grandes puissances désuète. Plus l’interdépendance et le multilatéralisme s’intensifient dans un environnement sociétal, plus le progrès sociétal a tendance à se manifester sous les aspects d’une transformation systémique progressive (non violente) plutôt que révolutionnaire (période de turbulences systémiques). La présente société internationale est sous l’influence du progrès sociétal depuis son avènement. Sa stabilité est directement liée à la capacité de ses mécanismes d’ordre à contrer les déséquilibres que le progrès engendre, ainsi qu’à l’aptitude de ses Grandes puissances à limiter leur propension à l’unilatéralisme. Donc, ces mécanismes doivent pouvoir intégrer le progrès pour maintenir leur légitimité et éviter d’engendrer une période de turbulences systémiques.
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Discussion of the epigraphical exploits of the Danish scholar Henrik Ernst during the Thirty-Years war.
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Lining the streets inside the city's gates, clustered in its center, and thinly scattered among its back quarters were Augsburg's taverns and drinking rooms. These institutions ranged from the poorly lit rooms of backstreet wine sellers to the elaborate marble halls frequented by society's most privileged members. Urban drinking rooms provided more than food, drink, and lodging for their guests. They also conferred upon their visitors a sense of social identity commensurate with their status. Like all German cities, Augsburg during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries had a history shaped by the political events attending the Reformation, the post-Reformation, and the Thirty Years' War; its social and political character was also reflected and supported by its public and private drinking rooms. In Bacchus and Civic Order: The Culture of Drink in Early Modern Germany, Ann Tlusty examines the social and cultural functions served by drinking and tavern life in Germany between 1500 and 1700, and challenges existing theories about urban identity, sociability, and power. Through her reconstruction of the social history of Augsburg, from beggars to council members, Tlusty also sheds light on such diverse topics as social ritual, gender and household relations, medical practice, and the concerns of civic leaders with public health and poverty. Drunkenness, dueling, and other forms of tavern comportment that may appear "disorderly" to us today turn out to be the inevitable, even desirable result of a society functioning according to its own rules.
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Tree ring–based temperature reconstructions form the scientific backbone of the current global change debate. Although some European records extend into medieval times, high-resolution, long-term, regional-scale paleoclimatic evidence is missing for the eastern part of the continent. Here we compile 545 samples of living trees and historical timbers from the greater Tatra region to reconstruct interannual to centennial-long variations in Eastern European May–June temperature back to 1040 AD. Recent anthropogenic warming exceeds the range of past natural climate variability. Increased plague outbreaks and political conflicts, as well as decreased settlement activities, coincided with temperature depressions. The Black Death in the mid-14th century, the Thirty Years War in the early 17th century, and the French Invasion of Russia in the early 19th century all occurred during the coldest episodes of the last millennium. A comparison with summer temperature reconstructions from Scandinavia, the Alps, and the Pyrenees emphasizes the seasonal and spatial specificity of our results, questioning those large-scale reconstructions that simply average individual sites.
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Palynological investigations of sediments from northern Bavaria (Rhön, Grabfeld, Lange Berge) reveal the Late Glacial and Postglacial history of the regional vegetation. The older sedirnents were found in the Rhön (Schwarzes Moor) and date back into the Bölling Period. At the end of that period pine spread into the Grabfeld. In both areas Lacher Tuff has been found. A radiocarbon date of 10,300 BP was found for the Late Glacial - Postglacial transition and one of 9300 BP for the Preboreal - Boreal transition. Hazel reached its highest values in the Rhön around 7,400 BP. During the Atlanticum a deciduous mixed oak forest covered the Rhön and Grabfeld regions. Beech dominated since the Subatlanticum. In the Lange Berge region, however, a mixed forest with Fagus, Picea, Pinus and Abies developed. In the Rhön first anthropogenic influence was found during the Latene Period. The boundary between zone IX and X has been dated at 820 A.D., and the start of extensive forest clearances at 1000 A. D. A culmination of landuse was found for the Medieval Period. At the end of that period however the Rhön was deserted. New forest clearances started around 1500 A.D., but were interrupted by the 'Thirty Years War'. Afterwards the Rhön got its present appearance.