966 resultados para Suicide bombing


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Protein TrwC is the conjugative relaxase responsible for DNA processing in plasmid R388 bacterial conjugation. TrwC has two catalytic tyrosines, Y18 and Y26, both able to carry out cleavage reactions using unmodified oligonucleotide substrates. Suicide substrates containing a 30-Sphosphorothiolate linkage at the cleavage site displaced TrwC reaction towards covalent adducts and thereby enabled intermediate steps in relaxase reactions to be investigated. Two distinct covalent TrwC–oligonucleotide complexes could be separated from noncovalently bound protein by SDS–PAGE. As observed by mass spectrometry, one complex contained a single, cleaved oligonucleotide bound to Y18, whereas the other contained two cleaved oligonucleotides, bound to Y18 and Y26. Analysis of the cleavage reaction using suicide substrates and Y18F or Y26F mutants showed that efficient Y26 cleavage only occurs after Y18 cleavage. Strand-transfer reactions carried out with the isolated Y18–DNA complex allowed the assignment of specific roles to each tyrosine. Thus, only Y18 was used for initiation. Y26 was specifically used in the second transesterification that leads to strand transfer, thus catalyzing the termination reaction that occurs in the recipient cell.

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Background: Suicide rates vary markedly between areas but it is unclear whether this is due to differences in population composition or to contextual factors operating at an area level.
Aims: To determine if area factors are independently related to suicide risk after adjustment for individual and family characteristics.
Method: A 5-year record linkage study was conducted of 1 116 748 non-institutionalised individuals aged 16-74 years, enumerated at the 2001 Northern Ireland census.
Results: The cohort experienced 566 suicides during follow-up. Suicide risks were lowest for women and for those who were married or cohabiting. Indicators of individual and household disadvantage and economic and health status at the time of the census were also strongly related to risk of suicide. The higher rates of suicide in the more deprived and socially fragmented areas disappeared after adjustment for individual and household factors. There was no significant relationship between population density and risk of suicide.
Conclusions: Differences in rates of suicide between areas are predominantly due to population characteristics rather than to area-level factors, which suggests that policies targeted at area-level factors are unlikely to significantly influence suicides rates.

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Durkheim’s idea that war reduces suicide through greater social and political integration has been used to explain suicide trends during the Northern Ireland conflict and in the period of peace. The applicability of Durkheim is critically evaluated through a case study of suicide trends by age, gender and cause of death over a forty year period. The key finding is that the cohort of children and young people who grew up in the worst years of violence during the 1970s, have the highest and most rapidly increasing suicide rates, and account for the steep upward trend in suicide following the 1998 Agreement. Contrary to Durkheim, the recent rise in suicide involves a complex of social and psychological factors. These include the growth in social isolation, poor mental health arising from the experience of conflict, and the greater political stability of the past decade. The transition to peace means that externalised aggression is no longer socially approved. It becomes internalised instead.

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Background: Durkheim’s seminal historical study demonstrated that religious affiliation reduces suicide risk, but it is unclear whether this protective effect persists in modern, more secular societies.

Aims: To examine suicide risk according to Christian religious affiliation and by inference to examine underlying mechanisms for suicide risk. If church attendance is important, risk should be lowest for Roman Catholics and highest for those with no religion; if religiosity is important, then ‘conservative’ Christians should fare best.

Method: A 9-year study followed 1 106 104 people aged 16–74 years at the 2001 UK census, using Cox proportional hazards models adjusted for census-based cohort attributes.

Results: In fully adjusted models analysing 1119 cases of suicide, Roman Catholics, Protestants and those professing no religion recorded similar risks. The risk associated with conservative Christians was lower than that for Catholics (HR = 0.71, 95% CI 0.52–0.97).

Conclusions: The relationship between religious affiliation and suicide established by Durkheim may not pertain in societies where suicide rates are highest at younger ages. Risks are similar for those with and without a religious affiliation, and Catholics (who traditionally are characterised by higher levels of church attendance) do not demonstrate lower risk of suicide. However, religious affiliation is a poor measure of religiosity, except for a small group of conservative Christians, although their lower risk of suicide may be attributable to factors such as lower risk behaviour and alcohol consumption.

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When tragedy strikes a group, only some group members characteristically rush to the aid of the victims. What motivates the altruism of these exceptional individuals? Here, we provide one set of answers based on data collected before and shortly after the 15 April 2013, Boston Marathon bombings. The results of three studies indicated that Americans who were strongly “fused” with their country were especially inclined to provide various forms of support to the bombing victims. Moreover, the degree to which participants reported perceiving fellow Americans as psychological kin statistically mediated links between fusion and pro-group outcomes. Together, these findings shed new light on relationships between personal and group identity, cognitive representations of group members, and personally costly, pro-group actions.