164 resultados para Statesmen


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The collection consists of 25 letters written by Benjamin between 1838 and 1881 on a variety of subjects, four Confederate notes and two bonds bearing his picture, miscellaneous items about Benjamin (1893-1942), nine issues of the Congressional globe with speeches by Benjamin, as well as separate copies of his printed speeches, and a photostatic copy of the "Diary of Events" (400 pp.) kept by Benjamin, the original of which is in the Library of Congress (1862-1864).

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Primarily correspondence relating to the Dropsie College for Hebrew and Cognate Learning, the Jewish encyclopedia, the Jewish Theological Seminary of America, the Smithsonian Institution and the American Jewish Historical Society. Contains also correspondence arranged alphabetically including letters from the staff of the American Hebrew, the American Jewish Committee, Theodor Herzl, the Jewish Agricultural and Industrial Aid Society, the Jewish Publication Society of America, Max J. Kohler, Louis Marshall, Jacob H. Schiff, Oscar S. Straus, Henrietta Szold, Stephen S. Wise and Israel Zangwill. Contains also material on the structure of the Jewish calendar, correspondence relating to the publication of the Jefferson Bible, correspondence and research material concerning Jewish servicemen in the Spanish-American War (published in the American Jewish year book, 1900-1901), a list of ... of the U.S. Congress, material ... immigration, the Jews in Rus ... cript proof articles from the Jewish quarterly review, numerous published articles by and ... Adler, and a large quantity of manuscript notes and material on Jewish history in general and American Jewish history in particular. Includes also David Sulzberger's collected data pertaining to the Jewish population in the United States-1900.

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After the horrors of the First World War a dialogue began between European statesmen seeking some form of European integration as a way of achieving lasting peace. During the inter-war period this idea started to attract support in Britain even though Britain's strategic and economic interests remained focused outside Europe. This book explores Britain's relations with the continent between 1918 and 1945, focussing on diplomatic and military responses to the major crises and examining attitudes to the idea of Europe in the broader context of relations with the Empire, Commonwealth and the USA.

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Conflicts over human rights in relations between East Asia and the West have increased since the end of the Cold War. Western governments express concern about human rights standards in East Asian countries. In the East, these expressions have been perceived as interference in internal affairs. Due to dramatic economic development, East Asian nations recently have gained in pride and self-confidence as global actors. Such development is observed with suspicion in the West. Concerned about the decline of global U.S. influence, some American scholars have re-invented the notion of "culture" to point at an alleged East Asian threat. Also East Asian statesmen use the cultural argument by claiming the existence of so-called 'Asian values', which they allege are the key to Eastern economic success. This thesis argues that issues of human rights in East-West relations are not only a consequence of well-intended concern by Western governments regarding the human rights and welfare of the citizens of East Asian nations, but are in fact dominated by and used as a pawn in interplay with more complicated questions of global power and economic relations between East and West. The thesis reviews the relevance of culture in East-West relations. In the West, particularly Samuel P. Huntington with his prediction of the Clash of Civilizations stands out. Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew has been very vocal on the Eastern side. Whereas the West tries to cope with its decrease of global influence, after hundreds of years under Western hegemonism, the East believes in an Asian way of development without interference form the West. Most of this dispute revolves around the issue of human rights. The West claims the universality of rights which in fact emphasizes political and civil rights. Western countries critizise poor human rights standards in East Asia. The East, in return, accuses the West of hypocritical policies that seek global dominance. East Asian governments assert that due to a different stage of development they have to stress first their rights to development in order to assure stability. In particular, China argues this way. The country's leadership, however, shows concern about human rights and has already improved its human rights record over the past years. This thesis analyses the dispute over human rights in a case study on Germany and China. Both countries have a mutual interest in trade relations which has conflicted with Germany's criticism of China's problematic human rights record. In 1996, the two countries clashed after the German parliament passed a resolution condemning China's treatment of Tibet. This caused a lot of damage to the Chinese-German relationship which in the course of the year went back to normality. In the light of these frictions a German human rights policy that focuses on unspectacular grass-roots support of China, for example in strengthening China's legal system, would be preferable. Such co-operation must be based on mutual respect.

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Most of this volume consists of correspondence between high ranking U.S. and British statesmen. E.g., James Madison, James Monroe, The Marquess Wellesley (brother of Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington). The discussion centers around the War of 1812. Also includes facsimilies of treaties signed between Great Britain and Sweden, Russia and Sicily.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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The Christine South Gee Papers include family histories; biographical data; annual reports of home demonstration work in South Carolina (1920-1922) compiled by Mrs. Gee; speeches; magazine articles (1935-1963); newspaper clippings (1934-1968); photographs (1903-1954) and certificates of awards. The collection primarily pertains to Mrs. Gee’s work as South Carolina State Home Demonstration Agent (1918-1923); her role in the formation of the South Carolina Extension Homemakers’ Council (1921), formerly the South Carolina Council of Farm Women; her activities as president of the South Carolina Council for the Common Good (1943-1945); her study of development in programs for adult education and rural women; and her historical interest in South Carolina statesmen and political leaders. Family histories include information on the Puckett, Smith, Martin, Hudgens, McNeese, Rodgers, and Saxon families.

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In this short but suggestive study, sociologist Rod Bantjes examines how contending visions of modernity shaped the social and physical landscapes of the Canadian prairies. "[B]oth statesmen and prairie farmers were infused with the modernist spirit of innovation, the will creatively (and destructively) to transform their worlds," Bantjes argues. His provocative view of farmers as agents of modernity reflects recent scholarship that seeks to explore "multiple modernities," or the notion that ideas and practices of modernism must be regarded not as monolithic but rather as contested and multivocal, and must be examined in their historical and geographical contexts.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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The aim of this proposal is to offer an alternative perspective on the study of Cold War, since insufficient attention is usually paid to those organizations that mobilized against the development and proliferation of nuclear weapons. The antinuclear movement began to mobilize between the 1950s and the 1960s, when it finally gained the attention of public opinion, and helped to build a sort of global conscience about nuclear bombs. This was due to the activism of a significant part of the international scientific community, which offered powerful intellectual and political legitimization to the struggle, and to the combined actions of the scientific and organized protests. This antinuclear conscience is something we usually tend to consider as a fait accompli in contemporary world, but the question is to show its roots, and the way it influenced statesmen and political choices during the period of nuclear confrontation of the early Cold War. To understand what this conscience could be and how it should be defined, we have to look at the very meaning of the nuclear weapons that has deeply modified the sense of war. Nuclear weapons seemed to be able to destroy human beings everywhere with no realistic forms of control of the damages they could set off, and they represented the last resource in the wide range of means of mass destruction. Even if we tend to consider this idea fully rational and incontrovertible, it was not immediately born with the birth of nuclear weapons themselves. Or, better, not everyone in the world did immediately share it. Due to the particular climate of Cold War confrontation, deeply influenced by the persistence of realistic paradigms in international relations, British and U.S. governments looked at nuclear weapons simply as «a bullet». From the Trinity Test to the signature of the Limited Test Ban Treaty in 1963, many things happened that helped to shift this view upon nuclear weapons. First of all, more than ten years of scientific protests provided a more concerned knowledge about consequences of nuclear tests and about the use of nuclear weapons. Many scientists devoted their social activities to inform public opinion and policy-makers about the real significance of the power of the atom and the related danger for human beings. Secondly, some public figures, as physicists, philosophers, biologists, chemists, and so on, appealed directly to the human community to «leave the folly and face reality», publicly sponsoring the antinuclear conscience. Then, several organizations leaded by political, religious or radical individuals gave to this protests a formal structure. The Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament in Great Britain, as well as the National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy in the U.S., represented the voice of the masses against the attempts of governments to present nuclear arsenals as a fundamental part of the international equilibrium. Therefore, the antinuclear conscience could be defined as an opposite feeling to the development and the use of nuclear weapons, able to create a political issue oriented to the influence of military and foreign policies. Only taking into consideration the strength of this pressure, it seems possible to understand not only the beginning of nuclear negotiations, but also the reasons that permitted Cold War to remain cold.

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The story of the life and times of Kenneth Matiba -- businessman, entrepreneur, sports team executive, and a former government minister and politician during tumultuous times in Kenya.

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With: Zeyl-i Hâdikât ül-vüzerâ / Dilâverağazade Ömer Efendi. [İstanbul]: Ceride-i Havâdis Matbaası, 1271 - Zeyl ül-zeyl / Ahmed Cavid. [İstanbul] : Ceride-i Havâdis Matbaası, 1271 - Bagdadi Abdülfettah Şefkat Efendi'nin zeyli. [İstanbul] : Ceride-i Havâdis Matbaası, 1271.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Includes index.

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Includes index.