361 resultados para State-local relations


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A partir de la reconstrucción del proceso de creación e implementación del programa presidencial para la reparación a población desplazada Familias En Su Tierra, se exploran las dificultades y retos que enfrenta la Ley de Víctimas y Restitución de Tierras.

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This paper argues that the direct, vertical toleration of certain types of citizen by the Rawlsian liberal state is appropriate and required in circumstances in which these types of citizen pose a threat to the stability of the state. By countering the claim that vertical toleration is redundant given a commitment to the Rawlsian version of the liberal democratic ideal, and by articulating a version of that ideal that shows this claim to be false, the paper reaffirms the centrality of vertical toleration in the Rawlsian liberal account of state-citizen relations.

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The book is a collection of cutting edge essay on the politics of the environment covering and analysing important topics, such as the Kyoto protocol and deforestation, this book provides extensive coverage of all aspects of environmental politics. This unbiased survey is of interest to students, academics, business people and general researchers. Four sections present a thorough overview of current issues in the politics of the environment in historical perspective. The first section consists of essays written by a variety of academic and other experts on topics including Globalization: The Environment and Development Debate; The State, International Relations and the Environment; Environmental Movements; Mass Media and Environmental Politics; and The Ethical Dimensions of Global Environmental Change

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Recent years have seen an emerging civil society in an authoritarian China. The authoritarian embrace of civil society challenges the conventional wisdom that civil society is closely linked to democracy. In Beijing, the rhetoric of civil society linked less to democracy than to modernization. However, does civil society development have any impact on democratization in authoritarian regimes? The thesis tries to provide a tentative answer by studying civil society and democratization in post-Mao China. As a result of economic development and political reforms, gradual political liberalization has marked a shift of state-society relations that gives rise to a certain degree of democratization and a growing civil society. The thesis uses a statistical correlation study to examine the relations between grassroots democratization and civil society development. The study concludes that civil society development may have contributed to democratization at the grassroots level but not on the national level. The impact of civil society on democratization depends on the political structure of the state and will remain limited unless the government allows for further state-led democratic openings.

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A presente dissertação versa sobre o uso da Tecnologia da Informação e Comunicação aplicada aos processos de gestão pública à luz dos conceitos de eficácia, eficiência e accountabítlity. Para tanto, este estudo se funda sobre dois marcos teóricos. O primeiro trata do desenvolvimento científico-tecnológico e suas implicações na construção de uma sociedade resultante da interação da microeletrônica, da informatização e da telecomunicação. O segundo diz respeito à reforma do Estado Brasileiro, num contexto em que se discute a necessidade de torná-lo mais ágil, flexível e mais responsável perante a sociedade. Metodologicamente, valemo-nos do estudo de caso múltiplo, no qual analisamos o Pregão Eletrônico utilizado pelo Governo Federal para aquisição de bens e serviços nos moldes do leilão reverso do mercado de flores de Amsterdã. Especificamente, trata-se do Pregão 21/2001, realizado pelo Ministério da Previdência e Assistência Social, para compra de medicamentos. Este estudo contempla não só os diferentes aspectos do comércio eletrônico, como o procurement, mas também descreve o processo tradicional de licitações públicas. Ao final, concluímos que a adoção da tecnologia da informação aplicada à gestão pública, em especial como ferramenta para aquisição de bens e serviços, mostrouse eficiente ao promover uma redução de custos, tanto dos processos governamentais, quanto dos produtos adquiridos, fato extremamente relevante se considerarmos a realidade orçamentária brasileira. Ficou também comprovada a sua eficácia, evidenciada pela redução do tempo necessário à realização do procedimento, uma vez comparado ao processo tradicional de licitações pública. Por outro lado, podemos afirmar que a iniciativa amplia o grau de transparência das informações do setor público brasileiro, reconfigurando as relações EstadoSociedade.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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O presente estudo analisa os enunciados discursivos do ciclo de Política curricular do Estado do Pará sobre as relações “raciais” no período de 2008 a 2012, a partir da abordagem do ciclo de políticas, proposto por Stephen Ball. Nesta análise, é focalizada a produção das políticas no contexto de influência, contexto de produção de textos políticos e contexto da prática. O referencial teórico-metodológico que subsidia a análise parte da Teoria sócio-histórica e dialógica da linguagem com base em Bakhtin (2010, 2011), abordagem do ciclo de políticas abalizado pelas teorizações de Ball et al (1992), para os estudos acerca Relações “Raciais” partimos dos conceitos de Guimarães (1999, 2002, 2008) e Coelho (2009) sobre raça. E, sobre as relações sociais estabelecidas no campo educacional, utilizamos as noções conceituais de campo e de habitus em Bourdieu (2008, 2009, 2010). O estudo é de abordagem qualitativa (FLICK, 2004). Utilizamos como fontes de coleta de dados documentos orais e escritos, dentre os quais destacamos: Artigos, Teses e Dissertações sobre Relações “Raciais” e Política Curricular realizado em duas bases de dados nacionais e uma internacional: a) ANPED (GT-21); b) site da CAPES/PPGE; c) Fundação Ford. Publicações: a) Política de Educação Básica do Estado do Pará, especialmente o eixo da Política Curricular; b) I Conferência Estadual de Educação: Diagnósticos, diretrizes, objetivos e metas aprovadas; c) Educação Básica no Pará: elementos para uma política educacional democrática e de qualidade Pará todos (vol I e II) e entrevista semiestruturada com quatorze agentes sociais que atuavam na SEDUC, USE e escolas da Rede Pública Estadual, os quais participaram da Política Curricular do Estado do Pará. Os dados foram analisados por meio da análise do processo enunciativo-discursivo com base em Bakhtin (2010, 2011). A partir da análise da enunciação discursiva do ciclo de política curricular do Estado do Pará sobre as relações “raciais” e da interpenetração dos discursos entre os contextos de influência, contexto de definição de textos políticos e contexto da prática os resultados do estudo revelam que os diferentes enunciados produzidos nos variados contextos são marcados pela hibridização de discursos, resultado de processos de recontextualização. Infere-se que a política curricular do Estado do Pará se apresenta em inter-relações entre múltiplos contextos no ciclo de políticas (BALL, et al, 1992). A despeito do caráter contínuo e não hierarquizado das políticas, da articulação macro e micropolíticas avançarem em relação às abordagens estadocêntricas e do processo de recontextualização política que ocorre no contexto da prática, o estudo conclui que a política curricular do Estado do Pará existe como uma política de Estado, existe como uma política educacional. No entanto, na exequibilidade dessa política de Estado e educacional na escola no tocante as relações “raciais”, ela não ocorre por conta da fragilização da competência cultural e teórica desse agente social que deve executá-la. A fragilização está na concretização dessa política no contexto da prática. Há um problema entre o que se projeta e o que se prática, o que ajuda a atribuir a realidade social a disseminação e ratificação do racismo e discriminação nos diferentes contextos que compõe a política de currículo.

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The width of the 21 cm line (HI) emitted by spiral galaxies depends on the physical processes that release energy in the Interstellar Medium (ISM). This quantity is called velocity dispersion (σ) and it is proportional first of all to the thermal kinetic energy of the gas. The accepted theoretical picture predicts that the neutral hydrogen component (HI) exists in the ISM in two stable phases: a cold one (CNM, with σ~0.8 km/s) and a warm one (WNM, with σ~8 km/s). However, this is called into question by the observation that the HI gas has usually larger velocity dispersions. This suggests the presence of turbulence in the ISM, although the energy sources remain unknown. In this thesis we want to shed new light on this topic. We have studied the HI line emission of two nearby galaxies: NGC6946 and M101. For the latter we used new deep observations obtained with the Westerbork radio interferometer. Through a gaussian fitting procedure, we produced dispersion maps of the two galaxies. For both of them, we compared the σ values measured in the spiral arms with those in the interarms. In NGC6946 we found that, in both arms and interarms, σ grows with the column density, while we obtained the opposite for M 101. Using a statistical analysis we did not find a significant difference between arm and interarm dispersion distributions. Producing star formation rate density maps (SFRD) of the galaxies, we studied their global and local relations with the HI kinetic energy, as inferred from the measured dispersions. For NGC6946 we obtained a good log-log correlation, in agreement with a simple model of supernova feedback driven turbulence. This shows that in this galaxy turbulent motions are mainly induced by the stellar activity. For M 101 we did not find an analogous correlation, since the gas kinetic energy appears constant with the SFRD. We think that this may indicate that in this galaxy turbulence is driven also by accretion of extragalactic material.

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The fulcrum upon which were leveraged many of the dramatic progressive changes in Montana that are documented "In the Crucible of Change" series was the lead up to, preparation, writing and adoption of the 1972 Montana Constitution. As Montana citizens exhibited their concern over the dysfunctional state government in MT under its 1889 Constitution, one of the areas that stood out as needing serious change was the Montana Legislature. Meeting for only sixty calendar days every two years, the Legislature regularly tried to carry off the subterfuge of stopping the wall clock at 11:59 PM on the sixtieth day and placing a shroud over it so they could continue to conduct business as if it were still the 60th day. Lawyers hired by the Anaconda Company drafted most bills that legislators wanted to have introduced. Malapportionment, especially in the State Senate where each county had one Senator regardless of their population, created a situation where Petroleum County with 800 residents had one senator while neighboring Yellowstone County with 80,000 people also had one senator -- a 100-1 differential in representation. Reapportionment imposed by rulings of the US Supreme Court in the mid-1960s created great furor in rural Montana to go along with the previous dissatisfaction of the urban centers. Stories of Anaconda Company “thumbs up – thumbs down” control of the votes were prevalent. Committee meeting and votes were done behind closed doors and recorded votes were non-existent except for the nearly meaningless final tally. People were in the dark about the creation of laws that affected their daily lives. It was clear that change in the Legislature had to take the form of change in the Constitution and, because it was not likely that the Legislature would advance Constitutional amendments on the subject, a convention seemed the only remedy. Once that Convention was called and went to work, it became apparent that the Legislative Article provided both opportunity for change and danger that too dramatic a change might sink the whole new document. The activities of the Legislative Committee and the whole Convention when acting upon Legislative issues provides one of the more compelling stories of change. The story of the Legislative Article of the Montana Constitution is discussed in this episode by three major players who were directly involved in the effort: Jerry Loendorf, Arlyne Reichert and Rich Bechtel. Their recollections of the activities surrounding the entire Constitutional Convention and specifically the Legislative Article provide an insider’s perspective of the development of the entire Constitution and the Legislative portion which was of such a high degree of interest to the people of Montana during the important period of progressive change documented “In the Crucible of Change.” Jerry Loendorf, who served as Chair of the Legislative Committee at the 1972 Montana Constitutional Convention, received a BA from Carroll College in 1961 and a JD from the University of Montana Law School in 1964. Upon graduation he served two years as a law clerk for the Montana Supreme Court after which he was for 34 years a partner in the law firm of Harrison, Loendorf & Posten, Duncan. In addition to being a delegate to the Constitutional Convention, Jerry served on the Board of Labor Appeals from 2000 to 2004. He was designated a Montana Special Assistant Attorney General to represent the state in federal court on the challenge to the results of the ratification election of Montana's Constitution in 1972. Jerry served on the Carroll College Board of Directors in the late 1960s and then again as a member of the Board of Trustees of Carroll College from 2001 to 2009. He has served on the Board of Directors of the Rocky Mountain Development Council since 1970 and was on the board of the Helena YMCA from 1981 to 1987. He also served on the board of the Good Samaritan Ministries from 2009 to 2014. On the business side, Jerry was on the Board of Directors of Valley Bank to Helena from 1980 to 2005. He is a member of the American Bar Association, State Bar of Montana, the First Judicial District Bar Association, and the Montana Trial Lawyers Association. Carroll College awarded Jerry the Warren Nelson Award 1994 and the Insignias Award in 2007. At Carroll College, Jerry has funded the following three scholarship endowments: George C and Helen T Loendorf, Gary Turcott, and Fr. William Greytek. Arlyne Reichert, Great Falls Delegate to the Constitutional Convention and former State Legislator, was born in Buffalo, NY in 1926 and attended University of Buffalo in conjunction with Cadet Nurses Training during WWII. She married a Montanan in Great Falls in 1945 and was widowed in 1968. She is mother of five, grandmother of seven, great-grandmother of four. Arlyne was employed by McLaughlin Research Institute in Great Falls for 23 years, serving as Technical Editor of Transplantation Journal in 1967, retiring as Assistant Director in 1989. In addition to being a state legislator (1979 Session) and a delegate to the 1972 Montana Constitutional Convention, she has filled many public roles, including Cascade County Study Commissioner (1974), MT Comprehensive Health Council, US Civil Rights Commission MT Advisory Committee, MT Capitol Restoration Committee, and Great Falls Public Library Trustee. Arlyne has engaged in many non-profit activities including League of Women Voters (State & Local Board Officer – from where her interest in the MT Constitutional change developed), Great Falls Public Radio Association (President & Founder), American Cancer Society (President Great Falls Chapter), Chair of MT Rhodes Scholarship Committee, and Council Member of the National Civic League. She also served a while as a Television Legislative Reporter. Arlyne has been recipient of numerous awards, the National Distinguished Citizens Award from the National Municipal League, two Women of Achievement Awards from Business & Professional Women, the Salute to Women Award by YWCA, Heritage Preservation Award from Cascade County Historical Society and the State of Montana, and the Heroes Award from Humanities Montana. She remains active, serving as Secretary-Treasurer of Preservation Cascade, Inc., and as Board Member of the McLaughlin Research Institute. Her current passion is applied to the preservation/saving of the historic 10th Street Bridge that crosses the Missouri River in Great Falls. Rich Bechtel of Helena was born in Napa, California in 1945 and grew up as an Air Force brat living in such places as Bitberg, Germany, Tripoli, Libya, and Sevilla, Spain. He graduated from Glasgow High School and the University of Montana. Rich was a graduate assistant for noted Montana History professor Professor K. Ross Toole, but dropped out of graduate school to pursue a real life in Montana politics and government. Rich has had a long, varied and colorful career in the public arena. He currently is the Director of the Office of Taxpayer Assistance & Public Outreach for MT’s Department of Revenue. He previously held two positions with the National Wildlife Federation in Washington, DC (Sr. Legislative Representative [1989-91] and Sr. Legislative Representative for Wildlife Policy [2004-2006]). While in Washington DC, he also was Assistant for Senator Lee Metcalf (D-MT), 1974-1976; Federal-State Coordinator for State of Montana, 1976-1989; Director of the Western Governors’ Association Washington Office, 1991-2000; and Director of Federal Affairs for Governor Kitzhaber of Oregon, 2001- 2003. Earlier in Montana Government, between 1971 and 1974, Rich was Research Analyst for MT Blue Ribbon Commission on Postsecondary Education, Legislative Consultant and Bill Drafter for MT Legislative Council, Research Analyst for the MT Constitutional Convention Commission where he provided original research on legislatures, as well as Researcher/Staff for the MT Constitutional Convention Legislative Committee, from where he drafted the various provisions of the Legislative Article and the majority and minority reports on behalf of the Committee members. Rich has represented Montana’s Governor on a trade and cultural mission to Republic of China and participated in US-German Acid Rain Committee sessions in Germany and with European Economic Community environmental officials in Belgium. He is married to Yvonne Seng (Ph.D.) - T’ai Chi apprentice; author and birder.

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El artículo analiza la relevancia de estudiar la historia, la configuración y el rol que ha tenido el Estado en Brasil. El concepto de paradigma de Estado, que implica una nueva interpretación de la forma que adopta la economía y la sociedad con sus intereses, el patrón de inserción internacional y la formación nacional de cada etapa, es una herramienta conceptual propuesta por Amado Cervo, para comprender la interacción entre los factores internacionales y los condicionantes domésticos. Este autor sostiene la existencia de cuatro paradigmas: el liberal conservador, el desarrollista, el normal y el logístico.

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This study evaluates the practice of redeveloping Brownfields with solar photovoltaic renewable energy technology. Utilizing renewable energy as a strategy to reuse contaminated or potentially contaminated property is a relatively new convention. While the benefits of redeveloping Brownfields are well established, ongoing challenges and limited literature on the subject complicate the practice. Challenges, opportunities, and benefits related to renewable energy development on Brownfields are identified and analyzed. Strategic leveraging of federal, state, local, and utility incentives for renewable energy and Brownfield revitalization, and gap finance tools is explored and evaluated. A comparison of three photovoltaic Brownfield projects is analyzed for critical success and failure factors, and lessons learned. A recommendation of best practices is made based on findings and results.

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Tese de mestrado em Física, apresentada à Universidade de Lisboa, através da Faculdade de Ciências, 2016

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Belarus holds a special position in Russian policy due to its geopolitical, military and transit significance. Russia's influence and position in the entire Eastern European region largely depend on how strong Russian influence in Belarus is. The process of Russian-Belarusian integration began in 1994, when Alyaksandr Lukashenka came to power in Minsk. At the time, Russia's policy towards Belarus was based on twomain assumptions. Firstly, the Kremlin supported Lukashenka's authoritarian regime. This allowed Russia to keep Belarus within its orbit of political influence and prevent other states from getting involved, since an undemocratic Belarus could not count on closer contacts with the West. Secondly, Russia heavily subsidised Belarus with cheap energy resources (way below the market price) and allowed the duty-free access of Belarusian goods to its market. Thus Belarus became a kind of 'sponsored authoritarianism' with a specific economic model, owing its existence to Russia's economic and political support. At the same time, Moscow's key objective in its policy towards Belarus was to make Minsk accept the Russian conditions concerning integration, which would in fact lead to Belarus' incorporation by the Russian Federation. However, Belarus managed to maintain its sovereignty, while Alyaksandr Lukashenka bandied the term 'integration' about in order to maintain the preferential model of his state's relations with Russia. Russia's intention to alter the nature of these bilateral relations became evident when Vladimir Putin took power in 2000. However, Moscow faced Minsk's refusal to accept the Russian integration plan (which, among other measures, provided for the takeover of Belarusian economic assets by Russian companies). This forced Russia to use its main tool against Minsk: the supplies of cheap gas and oil that had been sustaining Belarus' archaic economy. The most serious crisis in Russian-Belarusian relations broke out at the beginning of 2007, following Moscow's decision to raise the energy resource prices. This decision marked the beginning of the application of market principles to settlements between Moscow and Minsk. The key question this study is meant to answer concerns the consequences of the aforementioned decision by Russia for future Russian-Belarusian relations. Are they at a turning point? What are Russia's policy objectives? What results can come from the process of moving mutual relations onto an economic footing? What policy will replace Russia's 'sponsoring of Belarusian authoritarianism', which it has been implementing since 1994? Finally, what further measures will Russia undertake towards Belarus? The current study consists of five chapters. The first chapter offers a brief presentation of Belarus' significance and position in Russian policy. The second analyses the development of Russian-Belarusian political relations, first of all the establishment of the Union State, Belarus' position in Russian domestic policy and Russia's influence on Belarusian policy. The third chapter presents bilateral economic relations, primarily energy issues. The fourth chapter describes the state and perspectives of military cooperation between the two states. The fifth chapter presents conclusions, where the author attempts to define the essence of the ongoing re-evaluation in Russian-Belarusian relations and to project their future model.

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The post-Arab Spring period in Morocco has undergone different stages of changing state-society relations with regard to democracy, citizenship and human rights. The first stage, between February 2011 and the summer of 2013, was characterised by popular protests demanding democracy and freedom. People criticised public policies related to civil, political and social rights (employment, health, education, the status of women, and the issue of Amazigh). This outburst put the state in an awkward, defensive position. If we compare Morocco with the other Arab Spring countries, the Moroccan state’s reaction was moderate in its use of violence and repression, and it was positive, in that it resulted in the implicit, yet official acceptance of the demands for democracy, citizenship and battling corruption. In his speech on 9 March 2011, the king pledged to modify the Constitution and democratise the institutions.