954 resultados para Social discourse
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Crum's notion of idola as a conceptual fallacy is interesting, somewhat helpful, yet potentially limiting in a critique of research in PE if one is to accept a postmodern or poststructuralist position. In line with a poststructuralist position, a strength in Crum's application of idola is the recognition that research in PE is constituted by the researcher and their social world which, in turn, constitutes the researcher. Limitations to Crum's idola thesis arise when the notion is used to suggest that as a result of the researcher's lack of conceptual clarity, the quest for knowledge or truth about PE pedagogy is undermined as this assumes that meanings can be unequivocal and precede a linear research process. In contrast, this response argues that a priority in research should be to examine how, and under what conditions, particular discourses come to shape PE practices in schools and universities. In a postmodern world, conceptual clarity should not be the goal but rather a coming to understand how PE knowledge and practice is being constructed across sites and contexts.
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Using examples from contempoary policy and business discourses, and exemplary historical texts dealing with the notion of value, I put forward an argument as to why a critical scholarship that draws on media history, language analysis, philosophy and political economy is necessary to understand the dynamics of what is being called 'the global knowledge economy'. I argue that the social changes associated with new modes of value determination are closely associated with new media form.
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The New Zealand's Royal Commission on Genetic Modification (RCGM)'s report was released in the year 2001. RCGM's findings supports the ongoing development of genetic engineering in New Zealand and recommends the recommencement of genetic modification field trials.
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Throughout the latter months of 2000 and early 2001, the Australian public, media and parliament were engaged in a long and emotive debate about motherhood. This debate constructed the two main protagonists, the unborn 'child' and the potential mother, with a variety of different and often oppositional identities. The article looks at the way that these subject identities interacted during the debate, starting from the premise that policy making has unintended and unacknowledged material outcomes, and using governmentality as a tool through which to analyse and understand processes of identity manipulation and resistance within policy making. The recent debate concerning the right of lesbian and single women to access new reproductive technologies in Australia is used as a case study. Nominally the debate was about access to IVF technology; in reality, however, the debate was about the governing of women and, in particular, the governing of motherhood identities. The article focuses on the parliamentary debate over the drafting of legislation designed to stop lesbian and single women from accessing these technologies, particularly the utilization of the 'unborn' subject within these debates as a device to discipline the identity of 'mother'.
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O objetivo principal deste trabalho é analisar como os meios de comunicação ajudam a construir a representação social da violência de gênero contra a mulher no Espírito Santo, que lidera o ranking nacional de feminicídios, com taxa de 9,8 homicídios para cada 100 mil mulheres. Elegemos como corpus de pesquisa notícias sobre violência de gênero no ES, veiculadas no ano de 2013, nos jornais A Gazeta e A Tribuna. Em hipótese, acreditamos que essas notícias ajudam a construir representações sociais acerca da violência de gênero a partir da apresentação de estereótipos de vítima e agressor na sociedade, da individualização do problema da violência, da associação desse problema às classes sociais menos privilegiadas e da apresentação do crime de violência de gênero como crime passional. O estudo dessas notícias apresenta-se como algo complexo, do qual não participam apenas informações de ordem linguística, mas também de carácter social, histórico, cultural e cognitivo, uma vez que a análise discursiva não pode ser dissociada do contexto, dos atores sociais e das instituições envolvidas na produção da notícia, bem como das ideologias presentes nesse processo. Por esse motivo, assumimos como base teórica de nossa investigação uma proposta multidisciplinar: a Teoria Sociocognitiva de Teun A. van Dijk (1999a; 2011a; 2012; 2014b). Ademais, contamos com as contribuições dos estudos sobre gênero e discurso de Cameron (1985, 1997), Wodak (1997), West, Lazar e Kramarae (2000), Fernández Díaz (2003), Lazar (1993, 2005, 2007), Magalhães (2005; 2009), Heberle, Ostermann e Figueiredo (2006). Além das análises discursivo-analíticas, também utilizamos o programa de linguística de corpus WordSmith Tools para realizar análises quantitativas. Os resultados das análises nos levaram à confirmação das hipóteses iniciais: o discurso das notícias reforça estereótipos de vítima e agressor, típicos de uma estrutura social patriarcal, na qual é atribuída à vítima ou aos vícios (álcool e drogas) a responsabilidade da violência sofrida; além disso, a violência de gênero é apresentada como um problema individual e associada às classes sociais menos favorecidas; e, por último, o discurso das notícias apresenta grande parte dos crimes de violência de gênero como crimes passionais.
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The main purpose of this paper is to explore the possibility of articulating Political Discourse Theory (PDT) together with Organizational Studies (OS), while using the opportunity to introduce PDT to those OS scholars who have not yet come across it. The bulk of this paper introduces the main concepts of PDT, discussing how they have been applied to concrete, empirical studies of resistance movements. In recent years, PDT has been increasingly appropriated by OS scholars to problematize and analyze resistances and other forms of social antagonisms within organizational settings, taking the relational and contingent aspects of struggles into consideration. While the paper supports the idea of a joint articulation of PDT and OS, it raises a number of critical questions of how PDT concepts have been empirically used to explain the organization of resistance movements. The paper sets out a research agenda for how both PDT and OS can together contribute to our understanding of new, emerging organizational forms of resistance movements.
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Dissertação apresentada à Escola Superior de Comunicação Social como parte dos requisitos para obtenção de grau de mestre em Jornalismo.
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To mimic the online practices of citizens has been declared an imperative to improve communication and extend participation. This paper seeks to contribute to the understanding of how European discourses praising online video as a communication tool have been translated into actual practices by politicians, governments and organisations. By contrasting official documents with YouTube activity, it is argued that new opportunities for European political communication are far from being fully embraced, much akin to the early years of websites. The main choice has been to use YouTube channels fundamentally for distribution and archiving, thus neglecting its social media features. The disabling of comments by many heads of state and prime ministers - and, in 2010, the European Commission - indicates such an attitude. The few attempts made to foster citizen engagement, in particular during elections, have had limited success, given low participation numbers and lack of argument exchange.
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African Studies Review, Volume 52, Number 2, pp. 69–
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The analysis of journalistic discourse and its social embeddedness has known significant advances in the last two decades, especially due to the emergence and development of Critical Discourse Analysis. However, three important aspects remain under-researched: the time plane in discourse analysis, the discursive strategies of social actors, and the extra- and supra-textual effects of mediated discourse. Firstly, understanding the biography of public matters requires a longitudinal examination of mediated texts and their social contexts but most forms of analysis of journalistic discourse do not account for the time sequence of texts and its implications. Secondly, as the media representation of social issues is, to a large extent, a function of the discursive construction of events, problems and positions by social actors, the discursive strategies that they employ in a variety of arenas and channels ‘‘before’’ and ‘‘after’’ journalistic texts need to be examined. Thirdly, the fact that many of the modes of operation of discourse are extra- or supra-textual calls for a consideration of various social processes ‘‘outside’’ the text. This paper aims to produce a theoretical and methodological contribution to the integration of these issues in discourse analysis by proposing a framework that combines a textual dimension with a contextual one
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The texts by the Spanish Economist School (second half of the 19th century) contain an assessment of the role of women in the economy and society that is transgressor in front of the prevailing discourse that defended a unique and exclusive role for all women: being at home and a mother. Most members of that economic trend defended female work in the factories, basing themselves on wage arguments and even asked for a professional training for those who in many cases could not even write and read for the fact of being a woman. The texts of those economists give new ideas about the economic and social role of women in a Spain dominated by a discourse that denied the necessity of female work for the working families.