987 resultados para Rural settlement


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Acknowledgments The investigation of the Bennachie Colony is part of a broader initiative called the Bennachie Landscape Project, a collaborative endeavour between the Bailies of Bennachie and the University of Aberdeen. To date, funding for the project has been generously provided by the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC) in the form of a Connected Communities Grant (G. Noble PI) and more recently through a larger Development Grant (J. Oliver PI). The research that this paper is based on could not have been undertaken without the generous assistance of a large number of volunteers, university students and staff members. While it would be impossible to name everyone who has contributed, we would like to acknowledge the regular members of the “landscape group” whose infective enthusiasm for the project has provided a stimulating environment for learning and co-production. Particular thanks go to Jackie Cumberbirch, Barry Foster, Chris Foster, Angela Groat, David Irving, Alison Kennedy, Harry Leal, Ken Ledingham, Colin Miller, Iain Ralston, Colin Shepherd, Sue Taylor and Andrew Wainwright. Further assistance with fieldwork was provided by Ágústa Edwald, Patrycia Kupiec, Barbora Wouters, Óskar Sveinbjarnarson, members of Northlight Heritage and several cohorts worth of University of Aberdeen undergraduate and graduate students. We are indebted to the RCAHMS for assistance with plane table survey and to Óskar Sveinbjarnarson for help with mapping. Others have supported additional aspects of the Bennachie Landscape project or have provided specialist advice. Thanks go to Neil Curtis, Liz Curtis, Rowan Ellis, Marjory Harper, Siobhan Convery and the University of Aberdeen Special Collections staff. Access to undertake fieldwork was graciously provided by the Forestry Commission Scotland. Helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper were provided by Barry and Chris Foster, Ken Ledingham, Collin Miller, Collin Shepherd, Sue Taylor, Andrew Wainwright and two anonymous reviewers.

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Acknowledgments The investigation of the Bennachie Colony is part of a broader initiative called the Bennachie Landscape Project, a collaborative endeavour between the Bailies of Bennachie and the University of Aberdeen. To date, funding for the project has been generously provided by the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC) in the form of a Connected Communities Grant (G. Noble PI) and more recently through a larger Development Grant (J. Oliver PI). The research that this paper is based on could not have been undertaken without the generous assistance of a large number of volunteers, university students and staff members. While it would be impossible to name everyone who has contributed, we would like to acknowledge the regular members of the “landscape group” whose infective enthusiasm for the project has provided a stimulating environment for learning and co-production. Particular thanks go to Jackie Cumberbirch, Barry Foster, Chris Foster, Angela Groat, David Irving, Alison Kennedy, Harry Leal, Ken Ledingham, Colin Miller, Iain Ralston, Colin Shepherd, Sue Taylor and Andrew Wainwright. Further assistance with fieldwork was provided by Ágústa Edwald, Patrycia Kupiec, Barbora Wouters, Óskar Sveinbjarnarson, members of Northlight Heritage and several cohorts worth of University of Aberdeen undergraduate and graduate students. We are indebted to the RCAHMS for assistance with plane table survey and to Óskar Sveinbjarnarson for help with mapping. Others have supported additional aspects of the Bennachie Landscape project or have provided specialist advice. Thanks go to Neil Curtis, Liz Curtis, Rowan Ellis, Marjory Harper, Siobhan Convery and the University of Aberdeen Special Collections staff. Access to undertake fieldwork was graciously provided by the Forestry Commission Scotland. Helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper were provided by Barry and Chris Foster, Ken Ledingham, Collin Miller, Collin Shepherd, Sue Taylor, Andrew Wainwright and two anonymous reviewers.

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O presente estudo centra-se na análise da rede de povoamento rural romano num terreno que se estende a Oeste da Serra d’Ossa. Num território que peca por escassez de dados, pretende-se analisar o padrão de organização do povoamento e as comunidades que nele habitavam, através da informação, até então, publicada, em conjunto com os dados recolhidos durante as prospeções efetuadas na região em causa. Dentro deste prisma, serão abordadas as estratégias de povoamento, desde a romanização até aos momentos iniciais da Antiguidade Tardia, com um olhar geral sobre os indicadores que fundamentaram a estabilização povo romano nesta área; Roman settlement network West from Serra d’Ossa Abstract: This study focuses on the analysis of roman rural settlement network in an area that extends west from Serra d'Ossa. In a territory characterized by lack of data, this study intends to analyze the pattern of settlement organization and the communities that inhabited it, through published literature and data collected during surveys conducted in the concerned region. Within this perspective, it will address settlement strategies from romanization until the early stages of Late Antiquity, with a general look at the indicators that supported the stabilization of roman people in this area

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Reproduced from type-written copy.

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Backgroud: The aim was to study the prevalence of respiratory symptoms and assess the lung function of fish smokers in Nigeria. Methods: A case control study was done among fish smokers in Nigeria. Women aged 15 years or older (n=210) involved in fish smoking and equal number of matched controls were interviewed on respiratory symptoms and their peak expiratory flow rate (PEFR) measured. Data was analysed using chi square test, student\'s t-test and odd ratios. Results: Both groups were similar in their personal characteristics. The test group had significantly increased occurrence of sneezing (153; 72.86%), catarrh (159; 75.71%), cough (138; 65.71%) and chest pain (59; 28.10%) compared with the control group, odds ratio (OR) 2.49, 95% confidence interval CI (1.62-3.82), P < 0.001), OR 3.77,95% CI (2.44- 5.85), P < 0.001, OR 3.38, 95% CI (2.22-5.15), P < 0.001, and OR 6.45,95% CI (3.22-13.15), P < 0.001, respectively. The mean PEFR of 321±58.93 L/min among the fish smokers was significantly lower than 400±42.92 L/min among the controls (p = 0.0001). Conclusion: Fish smokers have increased risk of respiratory symptoms and reduced pulmonary function. There is a need for protective equipment and periodic evaluation.

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Based on empirical research in a number of rural communities in north-western NSW, this article explores the dynamics of rural crisis as it is manifested in and through popular attitudes and campaigns around law and order. There is no denying that crime rates in many rural communities are high, often very high by national standards, or that local crime disproportionately involves Indigenous offenders (and Indigenous victims). However, the views expressed in interviews with established White residents, in local media and in organised campaigns around law and order are suggestive of a much deeper sense of threat and crisis. This, it is argued, can be explained in relation not simply to crime rates but the way in which crime is experienced at the local level and the manner in which it is connected to other unwanted change that is seen to threaten the integrity of these communities. In order to understand these anxieties it is necessary to explore historical patterns of settlement, the economic structure and the culture of rural communities. Indigenous Australians have, at best, occupied an ambiguous and fragile position in relation to membership of these communities, a form of ‘passive’ belonging, ‘conditional’ on deference to dominant White norms governing civic and domestic life. Local Indigenous crime can be a source of deep anxiety not only because it causes harm to person and property but because it is interpreted by many Whites as a repudiation of the local social order, a signifier of larger threats to the community and on occasions as a harbinger of social breakdown. The article explores some of the key themes emerging from interview material that characterise this sense of crisis and relates them to the larger pattern of change affecting many communities: economic decline, changing government policies and priorities, the growing relative economic and political power of Indigenous people, debates about native title and so on.

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Using historical narrative and extensive archival research, this thesis portrays the story of the twentieth century Queensland Rural Schools. The initiative started at Nambour Primary School in 1917, and extended over the next four decades to encompass thirty primary schools that functioned as centralized institutions training children in agricultural science, domestic science, and manual trade training. The Rural Schools formed the foundation of a systemised approach to agricultural education intended to facilitate the State’s closer settlement ideology. The purpose of the Rural Schools was to mitigate urbanisation, circumvent foreign incursion and increase Queensland’s productivity by turning boys into farmers, or the tradesmen required to support them, and girls into the homemakers that these farmers needed as wives and mothers for the next generation. Effectively Queensland took rural boys and girls and created a new yeomanry to aid the State’s development.

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During the early medieval period, Ireland was politically organised into a large number of very small kingdoms. Unlike much of Western Europe, it had not been incorporated into the Roman Empire, and as a consequence, settlement remained exclusively rural in character until the Viking period. Extensive documentary, archaeological, zooarchaeological and macro-plant evidence provides a detailed reconstruction of the livestock and arable economy of the period. Cattle ownership formed the basis of wealth as well as being an indicator of status in society, and this is reflected in its clear dominance of the livestock economy during this period. From the eighth century onwards, however, cereal production appears to grow in importance as subsistence farming gave way to the production of agricultural surplus. This is reflected in cereal diversification and in the construction of watermills and more efficient grain-drying kilns. At the same time, settlement underwent significant changes and the relative importance of cattle in some areas began to decline.

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This investigation has three purposes I to make a comparative chemical study on sediment cores collected for Lake Lisgar (man-made lake in an urban center) and Lake Hunger (natural basin in a rural community) encompassing the time since European settlement I to determine the postglacial chemical history of Lake Hunger, and to determine the vegetational history of the Lake Hunger area from postglacial time to the present. The minus 80 mesh fraction of 108 soil samples and 18 stream sediment samples collected in the vicinity of Lakes' Lisgar and Hunger were analyzed for cold hydrochloric acid soluble lead, zinc, nickel, cobalt, copper, aluminum, sodium, potassium, calcium, magnesium, iron and manganese. Lacustrine sediments from 5 boreholes in the Lake Lisgar basin were collected. Boreholes 1, 2, 3, and 4 were analyzed for palynological and chemical information and Borehole 5 was subjected to pollen and ostracode analysis. Lacustrine sediments from 6 boreholes in the Lake Hunger basin were collected. Palyno- -logical and chemical analysis were performed on Boreholes 1, 2, 3, 4, and 6 and Borehole 5 was analyzed for pollen. In addition, radiocarbon dates were obtained on sediment samples from Boreholes 4 and 5. A total of 8 surface samples were collected from the margins of the Lake Hunger basin and these were chemically analyzed in the laboratory. All of the lacustrine sediments were ashed and analyzed for cold hydrochloric acid soluble lead, zinc, nickel, cobalt, copper, aluminum, sodium, potassium, calcium, magnesium, iron and manganese using a Perkin Elmer 40) Atomic Absorption spectrophotometer. The results . obtained for the 12 elements were expressed as parts per million in dry sediments. It was found that man's influence on the element distribution patterns in the sediments of Lake Lisgar appeared to be related to his urbanizing developments within the lake vicinity, whereas, the rural developments in the vicinity of lake Hunger appeared to have had little effect on the element distribution patterns in the lake sediments. The distribution patterns of lead, zinc, nickel, cobalt, aluminum, magnesium, sodium and potassium are similar to the % ash curve throughout postglacial time indicating that the rate of erosion in the drainage basin is the main factor which controls the concentration of these elements in the sediments of Lake Hunger. The vegetational history, from palynological analysis, of Lake Hunger from postglacial time to the present includes the following stages: tundra, open spruce forest, closed boreal forest, deciduous forest and the trend towards the re-establishment of pine following the clearing of land and the subsequent settlement of the Lake Hunger area by European settlers. The concentrations of some elements (cobalt, nickel, iron, manganese, calcium, magnesium, sodium and potassium) in the sediments of Lake Hunger appears to be higher during pre-cultural compared to post-cultural times. At least one complete postglacial record of the chemical history within a lake basin is necessary in order to accurately assess man's effects on his environment.

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This article uses census data for Berkshire to argue that large-scale counterurbanization began much earlier than is generally recognized in some parts of southern England. This was not just movement down the urban hierarchy, which as Pooley and Turnbull have demonstrated was a long-term feature of England’s settlement system, but in some cases at least amenity-driven migration to rural areas of the kind increasingly recognized as a core component of recent counterurbanization. Despite a reduction of acreage Berkshire’s rural districts saw a 54% rise in population between 1901 and 1951. The sub-regional pattern of growth is assessed to gauge whether ‘clean break’ migration to the remote west of the county (which remained effectively out of commuting range from London throughout the period) was taking place, or whether counterurbanization was confined to the more accessible eastern districts. However, whilst population did increase in both west and east, it was in fact the central districts that grew most impressively. Three case study parishes are investigated in order to gauge the nature and consequences of counterurbanization at a local level. Professional and business migrants figure prominently, seeking to preserve and promote the rural attributes of their new communities, without however cutting their ties to urban centres. It is argued that migration to rural Berkshire in the first half of the twentieth century cannot adequately be described either as a form of extended suburbanization or an anti-metropolitan ‘clean break’. Rather, early counterurbanization marks the first stage on the long road to a post-productivist countryside, in which countryside becomes detached from agriculture, there is socio-economic convergence between town and country, and the ‘rural’ increasingly becomes defined by landscape and identity rather than economic function.