982 resultados para Regional administration


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Objective To evaluate the effects of intravenous regional limb perfusion (IRLP) administration of amphotericin B in horses to treat pythiosis after surgical excision and thermocautery. Study Design Case series. Animals Horses (n = 12) with Pythium insidiosum infection of the distal aspect of the thoracic or pelvic limbs. Methods After surgical excision of granulation tissue and thermocautery, 50 mg amphotericin B was administered by IRLP through a catheter placed in a superficial vein of the affected limb next to the lesion after placing a tourniquet above the injection site. The lesions and locomotor system were evaluated before treatment and at 7, 14, 21, 28, 35, and 60 days. Results Ninety-two percent of horses treated with amphotericin B had complete lesion resolution 35 or 60 days after 1 or 2 IRLP treatments, respectively. IRLP induced limb edema and pain during regional palpation in 42%, and inflammation of the injection site in 33% of horses; however these signs resolved after 14 days. Conclusions IRLP administration of amphotericin B was effective for treating pythiosis in equine limbs, resolving infection with manageable side effects.

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The hypothalamo-pituitary-adrenal axis shows functional changes in alcoholics, with raised glucocorticoid release during alcohol intake and during the initial phase of alcohol withdrawal. Raised glucocorticoid concentrations are known to cause neuronal damage after withdrawal from chronic alcohol consumption and in other conditions. The hypothesis for these studies was that chronic alcohol treatment would have differential effects on corticosterone concentrations in plasma and in brain regions. Effects of chronic alcohol and withdrawal on regional brain corticosterone concentrations were examined using a range of standard chronic alcohol treatments in two strains of mice and in rats. Corticosterone was measured by radioimmunoassay and the identity of the corticosterone extracted from brain was verified by high performance liquid chromatography and mass spectrometry. Withdrawal from long term (3 weeks to 8 months) alcohol consumption induced prolonged increases in glucocorticoid concentrations in specific regions of rodent brain, while plasma concentrations remained unchanged. This effect was seen after alcohol administration via drinking fluid or by liquid diet, in both mice and rats and in both genders. Shorter alcohol treatments did not show the selective effect on brain glucocorticoid levels. During the alcohol consumption the regional brain corticosterone concentrations paralleled the plasma concentrations. Type II glucocorticoid receptor availability in prefrontal cortex was decreased after withdrawal from chronic alcohol consumption and nuclear localization of glucocorticoid receptors was increased, a pattern that would be predicted from enhanced glucocorticoid type II receptor activation. This novel observation of prolonged selective increases in brain glucocorticoid activity could explain important consequences of long term alcohol consumption, including memory loss, dependence and lack of hypothalamo-pituitary responsiveness. Local changes in brain glucocorticoid levels may also need to be considered in the genesis of other mental disorders and could form a potential new therapeutic target.

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El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la relación entre gobierno, corporaciones empresarias de la clase dominante y los proyectos MERCOSUR y ALCA en los inicios del gobierno de Kirchner. La hipótesis principal es que los cambios en la inserción regional de Argentina desde 2003 (reconstrucción del MERCOSUR y rechazo al ALCA), tuvieron entre una de sus causas a las acciones de corporaciones como la Unión Industrial Argentina (UIA) y la Sociedad Rural Argentina (SRA). Como afirma Katz (2006) aquella reconfiguración regional, además de estar influenciada por las protestas sociales antineoliberales, también respondió a la demanda de una diferente inserción regional por parte de las clases dominantes locales. Mediante el análisis de la prensa escrita y de documentación de las corporaciones, observaremos los posicionamientos sobre el ALCA y el MERCOUSR, el tipo de intervención del gobierno que reclaman y por qué apoyan o rechazan las negociaciones entre 2003 y 2004, en la reunión de la Ronda Doha de Cancún de la Organización mundial de Comercio (OMC) y en las Minicumbres del ALCA de Miami y Puebla, donde quedaron trabadas las negociaciones del ALCA y se produjo la reorientación del MERCOSUR

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El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la relación entre gobierno, corporaciones empresarias de la clase dominante y los proyectos MERCOSUR y ALCA en los inicios del gobierno de Kirchner. La hipótesis principal es que los cambios en la inserción regional de Argentina desde 2003 (reconstrucción del MERCOSUR y rechazo al ALCA), tuvieron entre una de sus causas a las acciones de corporaciones como la Unión Industrial Argentina (UIA) y la Sociedad Rural Argentina (SRA). Como afirma Katz (2006) aquella reconfiguración regional, además de estar influenciada por las protestas sociales antineoliberales, también respondió a la demanda de una diferente inserción regional por parte de las clases dominantes locales. Mediante el análisis de la prensa escrita y de documentación de las corporaciones, observaremos los posicionamientos sobre el ALCA y el MERCOUSR, el tipo de intervención del gobierno que reclaman y por qué apoyan o rechazan las negociaciones entre 2003 y 2004, en la reunión de la Ronda Doha de Cancún de la Organización mundial de Comercio (OMC) y en las Minicumbres del ALCA de Miami y Puebla, donde quedaron trabadas las negociaciones del ALCA y se produjo la reorientación del MERCOSUR

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El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la relación entre gobierno, corporaciones empresarias de la clase dominante y los proyectos MERCOSUR y ALCA en los inicios del gobierno de Kirchner. La hipótesis principal es que los cambios en la inserción regional de Argentina desde 2003 (reconstrucción del MERCOSUR y rechazo al ALCA), tuvieron entre una de sus causas a las acciones de corporaciones como la Unión Industrial Argentina (UIA) y la Sociedad Rural Argentina (SRA). Como afirma Katz (2006) aquella reconfiguración regional, además de estar influenciada por las protestas sociales antineoliberales, también respondió a la demanda de una diferente inserción regional por parte de las clases dominantes locales. Mediante el análisis de la prensa escrita y de documentación de las corporaciones, observaremos los posicionamientos sobre el ALCA y el MERCOUSR, el tipo de intervención del gobierno que reclaman y por qué apoyan o rechazan las negociaciones entre 2003 y 2004, en la reunión de la Ronda Doha de Cancún de la Organización mundial de Comercio (OMC) y en las Minicumbres del ALCA de Miami y Puebla, donde quedaron trabadas las negociaciones del ALCA y se produjo la reorientación del MERCOSUR

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Kazakhstan: Kazakhstan can boast economic development like no other country in Central Asia. In contrast to other countries of the region, which have rich natural resources, Kazakhstan has managed to use its economic potential in a way that yields concrete benefits now and, at the same time, creates prospects for further sustainable economic growth. Tajikistan: Tajikistan in its present state has been built on the civil war experiences and provisions of the peace accords signed in 1997. These have had a great impact on the present form of the state, its political scene and power mechanisms. President Emomali Rakhmonov is the central figure in the state. The political system, which he has cocreated, is based on - unique in this region - political pluralism (the existence of the Islamic party), decentralisation (far-going independence of the regions and relatively limited potential of the central structures) and compromise as the basic way of resolving conflicts. Such a system has so far guaranteed stabilisation and normalisation of the country. Uzbekistan: With its geographic location, potential, ambitions and political priorities, Uzbekistan could play a leading role in Central Asia. The international community has perceived the country as the pillar of stability in the region. This perception was further reinforced after 11th September 2001 and was certainly among the factors that inspired the United States to start closer political and military cooperation with Tashkent. The administration in Washington had expected that closer contacts might galvanise political, economic and social change in Uzbekistan, thus reinforcing positive trends in other countries of the region as well. But the relations between Washington and Tashkent are in crisis (which the United States will certainly try to overcome), and we have seen rapprochement between Uzbekistan and Russia and China.

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National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, Washington, D.C.

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National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, Washington, D.C.

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National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, Washington, D.C.

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"The material in this document was contributed by State Employment Security Agency, Unemployment Insurance Service, and Office of Regional Management Staff..."

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National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, Washington, D.C.