966 resultados para Range policy
Resumo:
In April 1998, the RBI, the Indian central bank, formally announced a shift in its policy framework from monetary targeting to a multiple indicator approach, and since then, under this framework, the bank has considered a range of economic and financial variables as policy indicators for drawing policy perspectives. This paper aims to examine the effectiveness of this current policy framework in India by analyzing the causal relationships of each indicator variable on the objective variables. The results reveal that, except for bank credit, all indicator variables considered in this study have a causal relationship with at least either output or price level, suggesting that most preannounced economic and financial variables have served as useful policy indicators under the multiple indicator approach.
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En un mercado de educación superior cada vez más competitivo, la colaboración entre universidades es una efectiva estrategia para acceder al mercado global. El desarrollo de titulaciones conjuntas es un importante mecanismo para fortalecer las colaboraciones académicas y diversificar los conocimientos. Las titulaciones conjuntas están siendo cada vez más implementadas en las universidades de todo el mundo. En Europa, el proceso de Bolonia y el programa Erasmus, están fomentado el reconocimiento de titulaciones conjuntas y dobles y promoviendo la colaboración entre las instituciones académicas. En el imparable proceso de la globalización y convergencia educativa, el uso de sistemas de e-learning para soportar cursos tanto semipresencial como online es una tendencia en crecimiento. Dado que los sistemas de e-learning soportan una amplia variedad de cursos, es necesario encontrar una solución adecuada que permita a las universidades soportar y gestionar las titulaciones conjuntas a través de sus sistemas de e-learning en conformidad con los acuerdos de colaboración establecidos por las universidades participantes. Esta tesis doctoral abordará las siguientes preguntas de investigación: 1. ¿Qué factores deben tenerse en cuenta en la implementación y gestión de titulaciones conjuntas? 2. ¿Cómo pueden los sistemas actuales de e-learning soportar el desarrollo de titulaciones conjuntas? 3. ¿Qué otros servicios y sistemas necesitan ser adaptados por las universidades interesadas en participar en una titulación conjunta a través de sus sistemas de e-learning? La implementación de titulaciones conjuntas a través de sistemas de e-learning es compleja e implica retos técnicos, administrativos, culturales, financieros, jurídicos y de seguridad. Esta tesis doctoral propone una serie de contribuciones que pueden ayudar a resolver algunos de los retos identificados. En primer lugar se ha elaborado un modelo conceptual que incluye la información del contexto de las titulaciones conjuntas que es relevante para la implementación de estas titulaciones en los sistemas de e-learning. Después de definir el modelo conceptual, se ha propuesto una arquitectura basada en políticas para la implementación de titulaciones interinstitucionales a través de sistemas de e-learning de acuerdo a los términos estipulados en los acuerdos de colaboración que son firmados por las universidades participantes. El autor se ha centrado en el componente de gestión de flujos de trabajo de esta arquitectura. Por último y con el fin de permitir la interoperabilidad de repositorios de objetos educativos, los componentes básicos a implementar han sido identificados y validados. El uso de servicios multimedia en educación es una tendencia creciente, proporcionando servicios de e-learning que permiten mejorar la comunicación y la interacción entre profesores y alumnos. Dentro de estos servicios, nos hemos centrado en el uso de la videoconferencia y la grabación de clases como servicios adecuados para el desarrollo de cursos impartidos en escenarios de educación colaborativos. Las contribuciones han sido validadas en proyectos de investigación de ámbito nacional y europeo en los que el autor ha participado. Abstract In an increasingly competitive higher education market, collaboration between universities is an effective strategy for gaining access to the global market. The development of joint degrees is an important mechanism for strengthening academic research collaborations and diversifying knowledge. Joint degrees are becoming increasingly implemented in universities around the world. In Europe, the Bologna process and the Erasmus programme have encouraged both the global recognition of joint and double degrees and promoted close collaboration between academic institutions. In the unstoppable process of globalization and educational convergence, the use of e-learning systems for supporting both blended and online courses is becoming a growing trend. Since e-learning systems covers a wide range of courses, it becomes necessary to find a suitable solution that enables universities to support and manage joint degrees through their e-learning systems in accordance with the collaboration agreements established by the universities involved. This dissertation will address the following research questions: 1. What factors need to be considered in the implementation and management of joint degrees? 2. How can the current e-learning systems support the development of joint degrees? 3. What other services and systems need to be adapted by universities interested in participating in a joint degree through their e-learning systems? The implementation of joint degrees using e-learning systems is complex and involves technical, administrative, security, cultural, financial and legal challenges. This dissertation proposes a series of contributions to help solve some of the identified challenges. One of the cornerstones of this proposal is a conceptual model of all the relevant issues related to the support of joint degrees by means of e-learning systems. After defining the conceptual model, this dissertation proposes a policy-driven architecture for implementing inter-institutional degree collaborations through e-learning systems as stipulated by a collaboration agreement signed by two universities. The author has focused on the workflow management component of this architecture. Finally, the building blocks for achieving interoperability of learning object repositories have been identified and validated. The use of multimedia services in education is a growing trend, providing rich e-learning services that improve the communication and interaction between teachers and students. Within these e-learning services, we have focused on the use of videoconferencing and lecture recording as the best-suited services to support collaborative learning scenarios. The contributions have been validated within national and European research projects that the author has been involved in.
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Mobile games are a prime example of a successful mobile application and demonstrate the increasing range of platforms for the media and entertainment industries. Against this convergent background, this paper introduces the basic features of the mobile gaming market and its industrial ecosystem together with its main actors and activities. The focus of the paper lies in the challenges ahead for the evolution of mobile applications into a potentially dominant game platform and the possible disruptions along this road. The deep personal relationships between users and their mobile devices are considered to further explore the link between mobile games, players’ strategies and pending techno-economic developments. The paper concludes with a brief discussion of some policy options to assist with the development of this domain.
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Conventional residential construction results in a variety of local, regional, and global environmental impacts. It also may lead to unhealthy interior environments for building inhabitants. Green building, on the contrary, is a practice that reduces the environmental impacts of residential development, that produces healthier indoor environments, and that yields better long-term financial investments. This Capstone Project applies empirical research and analysis to identify the history and benefits of green building, to support the hypothesis that Colorado Front Range communities benefit most from municipal green-build programs, and to make subsequent program recommendations. Ultimately, this project may assist communities with implementing their own municipal green-build programs.
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The five installations operated by the Department of Defense (DoD) in the Front Range region of Colorado do not meet the DoD non-hazardous solid waste diversion goal of 40 percent, further impacting landfills and generating greenhouse gases. This applied capstone project identifies and evaluates best management practices of a Materials Recovery Facility (MRF), qualitatively and quantitatively, to increase solid waste diversion at a DoD MRF. An environmental benefits model quantified the externalities of increasing solid waste diversion at the installations. By implementing best management practices at a MRF, the DoD would divert an additional 1,400 tons of solid waste per year, resulting in the equivalent of 1,502,567 gallons of gasoline being saved, among many benefits presented in this capstone.
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The Denver metropolitan area is facing rapid population growth that increases the stress on already limited resources. Research and advanced computer modeling show that trees, especially those in urban areas, have significant environmental benefits. These benefits include air quality improvements, energy savings, greenhouse gas reduction, and possible water conservation. This Capstone Project applies statistical methods to analyze a small data set of residential homes and their energy and water consumption, as a function of their individual landscape. Results indicate that tree shade can influence water conservation, and that irrigation methods can be an influential factor as well. The Capstone is a preliminary analysis for future study to be performed by the Institute for Environmental Solutions in 2007.
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Globalisation has led to new health challenges for the 21st Century. These challenges have transnational implications and involve a large range of actors and stakeholders. National governments no longer hold the sole responsibility for the health of their people. These changes in health trends have led to the rise of Global Health Governance as a theoretical notion for health policy-making. The Southeast Asian region is particularly prone to public health threats and it is for this reason that this brief looks at the potential of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as a regional organisation to take a lead in health cooperation. Through a comparative study between the regional mechanisms for health cooperation of the European Union (EU) and ASEAN, we look at how ASEAN could maximise its potential as a global health actor. Regional institutions and a network of civil society organisations are crucial in relaying global initiatives for health, and ensuring their effective implementation at the national level. While the EU benefits from higher degrees of integration and involvement in the sector of health policy making, ASEAN’s role as a regional body for health governance will depend both on greater horizontal and vertical regional integration through enhanced regional mechanisms and a wider matrix of cooperation.
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When the European Council meets in December, it will face a range of decisions which will lay the foundations for Europe's defence posture and role in the wider world for decades to come, perhaps even beyond the remainder of this century. The Lisbon Treaty has, for the first time, equipped the EU with the range of means to meet that role in practice. The question that remains to be answered is whether Europe's leaders have the political will to implement those means in full.
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Estimates of the recapitalisation needs of the euro-area banking system vary between €50 and €600 billion. The range shows the considerable uncertainty about the quality of banks’ balance sheets and about the parameters of the forthcoming European Central Bank stress tests, including the treatment of sovereign debt and systemic risk. Uncertainty also prevails about the rules and discretion that will applyto bank recapitalisation, bank restructuring and bank resolution in 2014 and beyond. The ECB should communicate the relevant parameters of its exercise early and in detail to give time to the private sector to find solutions. The ECB should establish itself as a tough supervisor and force non-viable banks into restructuring. This could lead to short-term financial volatility, but it should be weighed against the cost of a durably weak banking system and the credibility risk to the ECB. The ECB may need to provide large amounts of liquidity to the financial system. Governments should support the ECB, accept cross-border bank mergers and substantial creditor involvement under clear bail-in rules and should be prepared to recapitalise banks. Governments should agree on the eventual creation of a single resolution mechanism with efficient and fast decision-making procedures, and which can exercise discretion where necessary. A resolution fund, even when fully built-up, needs to have a common fiscal backstop to be credible.
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The European Union (EU) has increasingly become a comprehensive security actor. With the development of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), including the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) as a reaction to the failure of the EU to act during the wars in Yugoslavia/Western Balkans in the 1990s, the EU has a wide range of instruments for crisis prevention, crisis management as well as post-crisis intervention at its disposal. Observers typically agree that “hard power” is no longer sufficient to address the complex security challenges of today’s world while the EU, often criticised for only utilising “soft power”, is now able to exercise “smart power”. Through a comprehensive approach, facilitated by the Lisbon Treaty, the EU can now use the various instruments at its disposal, such as diplomacy, development aid, humanitarian assistance, trade, sanctions, international cooperation and crisis management capabilities in a joined-up manner. This mix of tools and instruments is helping the EU to achieve the aim set out in its European Security Strategy: “a secure Europe in a better world”.
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The March 2014 European Council could enter the history books as a turning point, not only in the EU’s relations with Russia but also in its role as a foreign policy actor. Events in Ukraine inevitably dominated the Summit, with EU leaders adopting a balanced approach aimed at achieving three key objectives – de-escalation, containment/deterrence and cooperation – based on political and economic support for Ukraine, increased but limited pressure on Russia, and moves to strengthen ties with other EU neighbours. The Summit also discussed a range of economic and environmental policy issues, with the situation in Ukraine casting a long shadow over the discussion on energy policy, but failed to reach agreement on the EU’s climate goals to 2030, or to put more flesh on the bones of calls for a European “industrial renaissance”. However, two other developments were particularly significant: the creation of the second pillar of the future banking union, establishing a single regime for winding down failing banks; and changes to the savings tax directive, bringing years of negotiation to an end.
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The initial ‘framing’ (in the summer of 2012) of the ‘genuine EMU’ for the wider public suggested to design an entire series of ‘unions’. So many ‘unions’ are neither necessary nor desirable – only some are and their design matters. The paper critically discusses first the negative fall-out of the crisis for EMU, and subsequently assesses the fiscal and the banking unions as accomplished so far, without going into highly specific technical details. The assessment is moderately positive, although there is ample scope for further improvement and a risk for short-term turbulence once the ECB has finished its tests and reviews. What about the parade of other ’unions’ such as economic union, social union and political union? The macro-economic imbalances procedure (MIP) and possibly the ESRB have overcome the pre-crisis disregard of macro competitiveness. The three components of ‘economic union’ (single market, economic policy coordination and budgetary disciplines) have all been strengthened. The last two ‘unions’, on the other hand, would imply a fundamental change in the conferral of powers to the EU/ Eurozone, with drastic and possibly very serious long-run implications, including a break-up of the Union, if such proposals would be pushed through. The cure is worse than the disease. Whereas social union is perhaps easier to dismiss as a ‘misfit’ in the EU, the recent popularity of suggesting a ‘political union’ is seen as worrisome. Probably, nobody knows what a ‘political union’ is, or, at best, it is a highly elastic notion: it might be thought necessary for reasons of domestic economic reforms in EU countries, for a larger common budget, for some EU tax power, for (greater) risk pooling, for ‘symmetric’ macro-economic adjustment and for some ultimate control of the ECB in times of crisis. Taking each one of these arguments separately, a range of more typical EU solutions might be found without suggesting a ‘political union’. Just as ‘fiscal capacity’ was long an all-or-nothing taboo for shifting bank resolution to the EU level, now solved with a modest common Fund and carefully confined but centralised powers, the author suggests that other carefully targeted responses can be designed for the various aspects where seen as indispensable, including the political say of a lender-of-last-resort function of the ECB. Hence, neither a social nor a political union worthy of the name ought to be pursued. Yet, political legitimacy matters, both with national parliaments and the grassroots. National parliaments will have to play a larger role.
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Mutual recognition is a remarkable innovation facilitating economic intercourse across borders. In the EU's internal goods market it has been helpful in tackling or avoiding the remaining obstacles, namely, regulatory barriers between Member States. However, there is a curious paradox. Despite the almost universal acclaim of the great merits of mutual recognition the principle has, in and by itself, contributed only modestly to the actual realisation of free movement in the single market. It is also surprising that economists have not or hardly underpinned their widespread appreciation for the principle by providing rigorous analysis which could substantiate the case for mutual recognition for policy makers. Business in Europe has shown a sense of disenc hantment with the principle because of the many costs and uncertainties in its application in actual practice. The purpose of the present paper is to provide the economic and strategic arguments for employing mutual recognition much more systematically in the single market for goods and services. The strategic and the "welfare" gains are analysed and adetailed exposition of the fairly high information , transaction and compliance costs is provided. The information costs derive from the fact that mutual recognition remains a distant abstraction for day-to-day business life. Understandably, verifying the "equivalence" of objectives of health and safety between Member States is perceived as difficult and uncertain. This sentiment is exacerbated by the complications of interpreting the equivalence of "effects". In actual practice, these abstractions are expected to override clear and specific national product or services rules, which local inspectors or traders may find problematic without guidance. The paper enumerates several other costs including, inter alia, the absence of sectoral rule books and the next-to-prohibitive costs of monitoring of the application of the principle. The basic problems in applying mutual recognition in the entire array of services are inspected, showing why the principle can only be used in a limited number of services markets and even there it may contribute only modestly to genuine free movement and competitive exposure. A special section is devoted to a range of practical illustrations of the difficulties business experiences when relying on mutual recognition. Finally, the corollary of mutual recognition - regulatory competition - is discussed in terms of a cost/benefits analysis compared to what is often said to be the alternative , that is "harmonisation" , in EU parlance the "new approach" to approximation. The conclusion is that the manifold benefits of mutual recognition for Europe are too great to allow the present ambiguities to continue. The Union needs much more pro-active approaches to reduce the costs of mutual recognition as well as permanent monitoring structures for its application to services (analogous to those already successfully functioning in goods markets). Above all, what is required is a "mutual recognition culture" so that the EU can better enjoy the fruits of its own regulatory ingenuity.
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The EU began railway reform in earnest around the turn of the century. Two ‘railway packages’ have meanwhile been adopted amounting to a series of directives and a third package has been proposed. A range of complementary initiatives has been undertaken or is underway. This BEEP Briefing inspects the main economic aspects of EU rail reform. After highlighting the dramatic loss of market share of rail since the 1960s, the case for reform is argued to rest on three arguments: the need for greater competitiveness of rail, promoting the (market driven) diversion of road haulage to rail as a step towards sustainable mobility in Europe, and an end to the disproportional claims on public budgets of Member States. The core of the paper deals respectively with market failures in rail and in the internal market for rail services; the complex economic issues underlying vertical separation (unbundling) and pricing options; and the methods, potential and problems of introducing competition in rail freight and in passenger services. Market failures in the rail sector are several (natural monopoly, economies of density, safety and asymmetries of information), exacerbated by no less than 7 technical and legal barriers precluding the practical operation of an internal rail market. The EU choice to opt for vertical unbundling (with benefits similar in nature as in other network industries e.g. preventing opaque cross-subsidisation and greater cost revelation) risks the emergence of considerable coordination costs. The adoption of marginal cost pricing is problematic on economic grounds (drawbacks include arbitrary cost allocation rules in the presence of large economies of scope and relatively large common costs; a non-optimal incentive system, holding back the growth of freight services; possibly anti-competitive effects of two-part tariffs). Without further detailed harmonisation, it may also lead to many different systems in Member States, causing even greater distortions. Insofar as freight could develop into a competitive market, a combination of Ramsey pricing (given the incentive for service providers to keep market share) and price ceilings based on stand-alone costs might be superior in terms of competition, market growth and regulatory oversight. The incipient cooperative approach for path coordination and allocation is welcome but likely to be seriously insufficient. The arguments to introduce competition, notably in freight, are valuable and many e.g. optimal cross-border services, quality differentiation as well as general quality improvement, larger scale for cost recovery and a decrease of rent seeking. Nevertheless, it is not correct to argue for the introduction of competition in rail tout court. It depends on the size of the market and on removing a host of barriers; it requires careful PSO definition and costing; also, coordination failures ought to be pre-empted. On the other hand, reform and competition cannot and should not be assessed in a static perspective. Conduct and cost structures will change with reform. Infrastructure and investment in technology are known to generate enormous potential for cost savings, especially when coupled with the EU interoperability programme. All this dynamism may well help to induce entry and further enlarge the (net) welfare gains from EU railway reform. The paper ends with a few pointers for the way forward in EU rail reform.
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In the EU circuit (especially the European Parliament, the Council and Coreper) as well as in national parliaments of the EU Member States, one observes a powerful tendency to regard 'subsidiarity' as a 'political' issue. Moreover, subsidiarity is frequently seen as a one-way street : powers going 'back to' Member States. Both interpretations are at least partly flawed and less than helpful when looking for practical ways to deal with subsidiarity at both EU and Member states' levels. The present paper shows that subsidiarity as a principle is profoundly 'functional' in nature and, hence, is and must be a two-way principle. A functional subsidiarity test is developed and its application is illustrated for a range of policy issues in the internal market in its widest sense, for equity and for macro-economic stabilisation questions in European integration. Misapplications of 'subsidiarity' are also demonstrated. For a good understanding, subsidiarity being a functional, two-way principle neither means that elected politicians should not have the final (political!) say (for which they are accountable), nor that subsidiarity tests, even if properly conducted, cannot and will not be politicised once the results enter the policy debate. Such politicisation forms a natural run-up to the decision-making by those elected for it. But the quality and reasoning of the test as well as structuring the information in a logical sequence ( in accordance with the current protocol and with the one in the constitutional treaty) is likely to be directly helpful for decisionmakers, confronted with complicated and often specialised proposals. EU debates and decision-making is therefore best served by separating the functional subsidiarity test (prepared by independent professionals) from the final political decision itself. If the test were accepted Union-wide, it would also assist national parliaments in conducting comparable tests in a relatively short period, as the basis for possible joint action (as suggested by the constitutional treaty). The core of the paper explains how the test is formulated and applied. A functional approach to subsidiarity in the framework of European representative democracy seeks to find the optimal assignment of regulatory or policy competences to the various tiers of government. In the final analysis, this is about structures facilitating the highest possible welfare in the Union, in the fundamental sense that preferences and needs are best satisfied. What is required for such an analysis is no less than a systematic cost/benefit framework to assess the (de)merits of (de)centralisation in the EU.